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Winter 1966
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A Prayer of Dedication
O teach us to know Thee our God, and Jesus Christ whom Thou
hast sent; and enable us to do Thy will on earth as it is done in
heaven. Give us to fear Thee and to love Thee, to trust and delight in
Thee, and to cleave to Thee with full purpose of heart, that no tempta-
tions may draw us or drive us from Thee ; but that all Thy dispensa-
tions to us, and Thy dealings with us, may be the messengers of Thy
love to our souls. Quicken us, O Lord, in our dullness, that we may
not serve Thee in a lifeless and listless manner, but may abound in
Thy work, and be "fervent in spirit, serving the Lord." And make
us faithful in all our intercourse with our neighbour, that we may be
ready to do good and bear evil; that we may be just and kind,
merciful and meek, peaceable and patient, sober and temperate,
humble and self-denying, inoffensive and useful in the world ; that so
glorifying Thee here, we may be glorified with Thee in Thy heavenly
kingdom. Amen.
From A Collection of Prayers for Families, by John Wesley
(1744).
THE
DUKE
DIVINITY
SCHOOL
REVIEW
Bicentennial of
American Methodism
Volume 31 Winter 1966 Number 1
Contents
A Prayer of Dedication hy John Wesley Inside Cover
Sam's Creek Revisited 3
by Howard C. Wilkinson
Wesley and Antinomianism 10
by Earl P. Crow, Jr.
John Wesley and Jonathan Edwards 20
by Charles A. Rogers
The Doctrines in the Discipline 39
by Frank Baker
Frank Mason North : Ecumenical Statesman 56
by Creighton Lacy
The Dean's Discourse, by Robert E. Cushman 71
Focus on Faculty, by Donald J. Welch 75
Looks at Books 77
(including The Reformation by Hans J. Hillerbrand)
Published three times a year (Winter, Spring, Autumn)
by The Divinity School of Duke University
Postage paid at Durham, North Carolina
Sam's Creek Revisited
Howard C. Wilkinson, '42
Chaplain to Duke University
. . . The occasion for this sermon* is the celebration in this year,
1966, of the 200th anniversary of the establishment of the first Meth-
odist Church in the United States. In 1766 (if not earlier) Robert
Strawbridge came from Ireland, organized a congregation of fifteen
Methodists, and built them a log church on Sam's Creek, in Maryland,
now less than an hour's drive north of the nation's capital.
That, then, is the occasion. What of the explanation? Why, in
an interdenominational Chapel, would we have a sermon dealing with
a particular denomination? Precisely because this Chapel is inter-
denominational, not non-denominational. Its congregation, its choir,
its ushers, its musicians, ministers, preachers, hostesses, maid and
janitor are members of particular, denominational churches. From
time to time we single out a certain denomination for special atten-
tion, so that all of us might be aware of the contribution which that
member is making to the whole body of Christ. For example, on
October 24, 1965, from this pulpit the Methodist Dean of the Duke
Divinity School fired a "21-gun" homiletical salute to the reforma-
tion taking place now within the Roman Catholic Church. And so
it goes.
But there is exceptional justification for taking a look at the
Methodist Church on the occasion of its second centennial. I think
of three reasons. The first is that Mr. James B. Duke, who founded
this University, was himself a Methodist, and he credited the Meth-
odist Church with giving him the inspiration, vision and encourage-
ment which led to this magnificent deed.
There are many evidences of the influence of Methodism upon
Mr. Duke, but let me summarize the matter by quoting a portion of
an address given by the late Judge William R. Perkins, the father of
the present Chairman of the Duke Endowment. Judge Perkins
*A sermon preached in Duke Chapel on January 16, 1966, and printed in
The North Carolina Christian Advocate, February 10, 1966.
knew Mr. Duke well ; he was the personal legal Counsel of Mr.
Duke, and in this address, delivered four years after Mr. Duke's
death, he explained the motives and purposes which the benefactor
had in setting up the Endowment. Here are his words :
. . . according to Mr. Duke's plan ... the objects of the Endowment may
be conveniently classified as religion, hospitalization and education ... To
appreciate the provisions for religion one must realize that Mr. Duke was
a Methodist of the rural district type and such had been his father and his
grandfather before him. And a first rate type it was and is. The Circuit
Rider had entered deep into the warp and woof of their lives . . . Mr. Duke
often remarked: 'My old daddy always said that if he amounted to any-
thing in life it was due to the Methodist circuit riders,' to which he [James
B. Duke] invariably added: Tf I amount to anything in this world I owe
it to my daddy and the Methodist Church.'
The second factor has to do with the financial support which the
Methodist Giurch has voluntarily given to the University through
the years. The Church does not own the University ; it is privately
owned by its Board of Trustees. The Church does not control or
hold veto power over the Duke administration. No bishop, nor all
the bishops together ; no church board, nor all the boards acting in
concert, can countermand the actions of the President of Duke Uni-
versity or the Board of Trustees. Yet the church which began on
Sam's Creek gives Duke University a substantial sum of money each
year for faculty salaries and the erection of new buildings. The cur-
rent rate of giving is in excess of $200,000 each year.
The third and final reason for a special look at Methodism here
has to do with the so-called "Fifth Decade" planning. It is no secret
that this University is now engaged in the greatest development pro-
gram in its entire history thus far. After years of careful evaluation
and projection by groups of faculty, administration, trustees, students
and alumni, a goal was fixed and an ambitious campaign was launched.
The immediate and crucial objective was announced as the securing
of $102,876,000 from anyone and everyone in the United States who
will contribute.
This was not a campaign thrust upon the University by any
outside group. It was, so to speak, an inside job. Something else
was an "inside job" : the selection of the men upon whom the Uni-
versity would depend to lead us to victory. Without any other cri-
terion than that of proven ability and demonstrated interest in Duke
University, the University itself selected six men who would head the
over-all campaign and its five sub-divisions. There was no deliberate
attempt to pick Methodists. Yet five of these six men whom the Uni-
versity chose happen to be Methodist !
Therefore, in summary, v^e beheve that, at Duke, there is special
justification for a focus upon the 2(X)th anniversary of the Methodist
Church in America, because Methodism played a decisive role in
the University's founding, it continues to give something more than
token financial support, and most of the key leaders in our great
"Fifth Decade" campaign receive their spiritual nourishment in the
Methodist Church today.
What conclusion should we draw from this? What does it all
mean? That Methodist students at Duke should be given better
grades in Chemistry than Baptist students? That Methodists should
be given preferred seats at home basketball games ? That Methodist
professors should receive higher salaries than Presbyterians? That
Methodist Fords should be given better campus parking places than
Episcopalian Cadillacs ?
Merely to express these questions in words is to reveal the im-
possibility and the undesirability of preferential treatment of Meth-
odism on this intentionally interdenominational campus. What, then,
should we conclude from the fact that the Methodist Church has
played, and will continue to play a decisive role in the fortunes of the
University? The only conclusion which I care to press here is that
the students and faculty who have benefited and will benefit so largely
from the influence of American Methodism should take a bit of time
to become knowledgeable about that church. I suggest that enough
time be spent in study that is free from negative bias, at least to dispel
the worst mis-conceptions which some people have of Methodism.
The actual shortcomings and the genuine weaknesses of Methodist
people and of the Methodist Church are bad enough ! They do not
need to be made to appear worse than they are by distortion and out-
right fabrication.
II
Let me briefly indicate, therefore, a few areas in which American
Methodism has made distinct contributions.
The first characteristic which I shall mention is Methodism's in-
terest in education, including higher education. John Wesley once
declared, "The Methodists may be poor, but there is no need they
should be ignorant." Francis Asbury, the greatest leader of early
American Methodism, agreed with Wesley on this point, and he
began by educating himself at great sacrifice. Indeed, he drafted
plans for a Methodist school only fourteen years after Strawbridge
organized the first congregation on Sam's Creek.
By the time the American Alethodists were ready to hold their
first General Conference, Asbury together with Dr. Thomas Coke
(an Oxford graduate) had already laid plans for a college and had
collected some money for it. At the end of the first of these two
centuries it was reported that American Methodism had founded
nearly 300 schools and colleges. (Cf. Paul N. Garber, The Romance
of American Methodism, Chap. 8)
You may be interested to know the names of some of today's
leading universities which owe their existence to American Meth-
odism : the University of Southern California, Vanderbilt University,
Syracuse, Northwestern, Boston, Emory, Duke, S. M. U., Wesleyan,
the University of Denver, Lawrence University, Southwestern Uni-
versity, and a host of other universities and colleges, some of which
rank very high in national ratings.
Since the membership of the Methodist Church is only about
five per cent of the total population of the nation, it is easy to see
that this denomination has provided a disproportionately large share
of the opportunities for higher education in this country. But having
founded these institutions, and having given them a measure of
financial support, the Methodist Church has by and large adopted an
attitude of trust and cooperation toward them, and it has not sought
to dictate their policies, leaving rather to the trustees and adminis-
tration the complex decisions which must be made from week to week
and from day to day. Indeed, some of the universities and colleges
which were given birth by American Methodism now have no ofificial
kinship at all with their parent.
Ill
This is in harmony with another distinguishing characteristic of
the denomination. I speak now of a policy which Wesley described
by the phrase, "think and let think." Hard and fast credal statements
have never been a part of Methodism, nor have neatly refined theolog-
ical postulations been the basis of membership. The governing
principle has been, "think and let think." I say this has been the
governing principle, not the unanimous behavior ! Here and there
one will encounter a misplaced Methodist with a barnacled brain,
who is willing neither to think nor to "let think." For him, the very
thought of thinking is unthinkable ! In general, however, the Meth-
odist Church has allowed and encouraged great latitude on matters
of doctrine and practice.
It is important to remember at this point that the emphasis is
upon tolerance rather than indifference! The Methodist Church
believes doctrines are extremely important, and that every Christian
should earnestly strive to know the truth of God. But when one has
a faith which he cherishes more than life itself, he is in the best posi-
tion to understand how much another man's beliefs can mean to him,
and therefore he can be tolerant.
Methodism insists that all its ministers be thoroughly grounded
in biblical studies, in theology, and in the application of the Bible
and theology to the secular life of man. Some of the nation's most
outstanding theologians and Bible scholars are Methodists. . . .
IV
A third characteristic of American Methodism is its historic
insistence that the Gospel of Jesus Christ has inescapable implications
for the social relations of mankind. Private piety is necessary, but
by itself is not enough. No area of secular life has been exempt from
the scrutiny and interference of some Methodist bishop or board.
Often these activities have encountered their strongest opposition
from within the denomination itself, but the Church has forged
ahead.
A Methodist bishop marches from Selma to Montgomery. A
group of Methodist churches unite with Baptists to throw whisky
stores out of a county. A Methodist preacher is using his pulpit to
expose rampant corruption in the local city government. Another
Methodist preacher is threatened with contempt of court proceedings
because he criticized a judge for his persistent refusal to sentence
proven racketeers. A Methodist missionary is ejected from an
African colonial post because he declared that colonial exploitation
should give way to democracy, that there should not be taxation
without representation.
Not all Methodists have agreed on any one social application of
the Gospel, but there is practically unanimous agreement on the one
theme which runs through all these activities : the insistence that
God cannot be shut up inside the walls of the church, and that His
will touches all of life. Because of this emphasis, Methodists have
sometimes been accused of being activists and do-gooders. They have
been charged with leaving off the preaching of the Gospel in favor of
meddling in matters which were none of their business.
8
Only God knows for certain whether some of these accusations
have been partially true. But Methodism has always felt that any
preaching which ignores the secular is not a preaching of the Christian
Gospel. It has contended that it must, in God's name, get involved
wherever human needs are at stake. It has been willing to experi-
ment, to try and fail, to try again another way. The Methodist mis-
sionary program experimented with short-term missionary projects,
and the pattern was later borrowed by the Peace Corps. The
Methodist Church tried financing an interdenominational chaplaincy
in the Duke Hospital, and this idea is catching on. The Church's
Division of Higher Education gave Duke a $25,000 grant to support
some Latin American ventures. Project Nicaragua has been partially
supported by that grant. The point is that the denomination is
willing to experiment, to try new ways to make the love of God real
in His world. It may fail. It may be criticized. But it will keep
trying.
V
Last, but certainly not least, American Methodism has been
characterized by an emphasis upon the importance of every person's
having a vital relationship to the living God. Nothing will take the
place of that. Methodists have taught that correctness of form in
public worship is an unacceptable substitute. Methodists have insisted
that orthodoxy of creed and intellectual belief is not an acceptable
alternative to a personal relationship with a personal God. There-
fore the great thrust of Methodist witness has been in a different
direction from Deism, formalism, institutionalism and coldness in re-
ligion. The representative Methodist from the beginning at Sam's
Creek has had a warm-hearted religious faith which proclaims God
as Father and Jesus Christ as the living Lord. The God-is-dead
churchmen have not found fertile soil in Methodist vineyards.
Dr. J. Robert Nelson, a distinguished Methodist theologian, who
formerly was Director of the Wesley Foundation at Chapel Hill,
represented most Methodists in an article he recently published in
The Christian Century. He noted that the three professors who are
conducting a prolonged funeral of God profess an attraction to Jesus,
yet their descriptions of Jesus are conflicting and largely fanciful. He
declares, "... none is the real Jesus of biblical witness and Christian
faith. Apart from the living God whom Jesus called 'Father' and
whom He represents in person, word and deed, there is just no real
Jesus Christ who can be known or addressed by a faith properly
called Christian." {Christian Century, November 17, 1965)
This living God, through Jesus Christ, beckons all men to draw
near to Him. He does not compel them to come, and some do not.
Methodist theology has held that some men will not be saved, ex-
clusively because they decline to accept the free gift of grace which
God ofifered them through His Son. And it has held that some men
will be saved, exclusively because they accept the free gift of grace.
Methodists almost unanimously have rejected the un-biblical nar-
cotic that all will be saved, regardless. Methodist preachers and
teachers have taught that nobody is going to be forcibly dragged into
the Kingdom of God, while kicking and screaming in rebellion against
it. All may come ; none will be compelled ; none is predestined either
to salvation or to perdition, but anyone who chooses the salvation
freely offered in Jesus Christ will be accepted.
For the past 200 years one of the favorite texts for sermons in
Methodist pulpits across America has been this one :
"I will give unto him that is athirst of the fountain of the water of
life freely . . . And let him that is athirst come. And whosoever will,
let him take the water of life freely." (Revelation 21 :6; 22:17)
Wesley and Antinomianism
Earl P. Crow, Jr., '57
Department of Religion, High Point College
Theology, as the language of God, is an absolute and uncondi-
tioned revelation of reality; but as the language of man, it is a rela-
tive and conditioned proclamation of faith. It is axiomatic that a
theologian cannot be properly understood in abstract, apart from the
influences which constitute his environment. This maxim is par-
ticularly applicable to John Wesley, who was a pragmatic evangelist
rather than a systematic dogmatician, and whose theology was formed
within the context of controversy. The thesis of this paper is that
the fear of Antinomianism so dominated Wesley's thought and con-
ditioned his theology that he rejected the Reformation theology of
Luther, as manifested in Count Zinzendorf's Moravians, and of
Calvin, as disclosed in the contemporary Calvinists, and adopted the
theological position of the via media, of the more catholic Church of
England.
Anglo-Catholic theology had no one final authority such as Luther,
Calvin, or the Council of Trent, but it did possess an underlying con-
sistency which may be described as the via media. Henry VHI
rebelled against Rome's refusal to grant an annulment of his marriage
to Catherine of Aragon; nevertheless, he remained a confirmed
Catholic. But the influence of the theology from Geneva precipitated
the emergence of an anti-episcopal party within Anglicanism. Thus,
the Church of England took the middle road between these two
continental influences, between Roman Catholicism and the Puritani-
cal Reformers ; and the via media became the essential factor of con-
tinuity in the Church's theology.
The doctrine of the Church of England received its classical ex-
position in George Bull's Harmonia Apostolica of 1699, but the
foundation of Anglo-Catholic theology was laid in the preceding
century by Richard Hooker.
In combating the disparagement of reason and the doctrine of
election prevalent in contemporary Augustinianism and Puritanism,
Hooker inclined toward Catholicism, imbibing the Aristotelian
philosophy which recognized the efficacy of secondary causes. Al-
though he grounded justification entirely upon Christ's meritorious
11
atonement received by faith, he contended that good works are in-
dispensable to sanctification, so that "unless we work, we have it
not".i
Strong anti-Calvinist sentiments were also expressed by Richard
Montague, who, in a reply to Matthew Kellison's A Gag for the
New Gospel, published A^o, A Nezv Gag for an Old Goose, in which
he denied the foreign reformed churches to be a part of the Catholic
Church. He received the protection of James I and in 1625 published
Appello Caesarem, repudiating both Romanism and Calvinism. In
1633, during the reign of Charles I, William Laud, a High Church
Anglican, succeeded the Calvinist Primate, Abbot, as Archbishop of
Canterbury and, like Lancelot Andrews at Cambridge, sought to
purge Oxford of Calvinism. Laud was educated in the Aristotelian
tradition of the Schoolmen and, in 1604, wrote a refutation of
Calvinism for his B.D. thesis. In his 1639 Conference With
Fisher he followed Hooker, endeavoring to show the Church of
England midway between the continental Reformers and Roman
Catholicism. In 1661, the Bishop of London, Gilbert Sheldon, pre-
sided over the revision of the Prayer Book at Savoy. The Puritan
Party was led by Richard Baxter, but his influence was minimal
against John Cosin, Robert Sanderman, William Sancroft, Matthew
Wren, and Peter Gunning; and the new Prayer Book of 1662 secured
the Laudian position against Puritanism.
During the pre-Wesleyan days of the seventeenth century, the
doctrine of the via media received additional support from such
eminent divines as James Ussher, Henry Hammond, John Pearson,
and Jeremy Taylor, who in his Holy Living and Holy Dying of 1651
defined justifying faith as "faith keeping the commandments of God."
Ralph Cudworth, Master of Christ's College, Cambridge, con-
tended that man is Christian only in so far as he readily complies with
Christ's commandments. Isaac Barrow, chaplain to Charles II, in
A Treatise on the Pope's Supremacy (1680), attacked the mal-
practices of popes and condemned the scholasticism of the Council of
Trent ; yet, in his sermon, "The Doctrine of Universal Redemption
Asserted and Explained", he was strongly anti-Calvinist. William
Beveridge, whose Thoughts on Religion Wesley included in his
Christian Library, sought to combine the indispensability of holiness
and good works with salvation through the merit of Christ alone.
But it was Bishop George Bull of St. David's who gave Anglo-
1. The Works of Richard Hooker, Ed. by John Gauden (London : Printed by
J. Best, 1662), pp. 242-45.
12
Catholic theology its classical exposition. Having encountered con-
siderable Antinomianism in his first parish (St. George's near
Bristol) in 1699, he published his Harmonia Apostolica, endeavoring
to establish a balanced relationship between faith and works and to
reconcile the soteriological sentiments of St. Paul and St. James.
His theology of the via media was characteristic of the position of
the Church of England at the beginning of the eighteenth century
and of the theological atmosphere in which Wesley was nurtured.
It would be difficult to avoid, or to exaggerate, the impression
made upon Wesley by his parents, who were both competent theo-
logians and converts to the Establishment. Samuel Wesley, in 1693,
while writing A Letter Concerning the Education of the Dissenters
in Their Private Academies, was convinced of the error of his own
position and that same year joined the Church of England. Tyerman
described Samuel Wesley as "a moderate Arminian." His own
writings reveal him as a rather severe anti-Calvinist, renouncing the
doctrine of Absolute Predestination and asserting man's freedom and
capability, through Divine grace, to keep the commandments of
God. So profound was the influence of the father upon the son that
John Wesley continually sought his counsel upon matters of import,
and, although their mode of expression sometimes differed, their
theology was substantially the same.
Wesley's mother, Susannah, also had Dissenting parents, but
later in life, after examining for herself the controversy between
Establishment and Nonconformity, she, like Samuel, joined the
Church of England. It was she who educated the children, and her
tuition encompassed not only secular subjects, but instruction in the
scriptures and the collects and catechism of the Church. The stress
which John Wesley later placed upon holiness can be traced directly
to Susannah ; for, although she distinguished between mere outward
morality and inward Christian obedience, she taught her children that
they could be saved only "by universal obedience, by keeping all the
commandments of God".^ Her contribution to the thought of her son
John can readily be traced through their correspondence. Thus,
Wesley was born of Anglican parents, confirmed in the Anglican
Church, and all his life adhered to the theology of Anglicanism.
But Wesley was continually encountering Reformed doctrine, and
had it not been for his fear of Antinomianism it is conceivable that he
might have assumed a theological posture closer to the Reformers
2. The Works of John Wesley, Authorized Edition, (London: Wesleyan
Conference Office, 1872), I, 98.
13
than he did. Following his flirtation with, and rejection of, the
mystical writers, including his valued friend, William Law, Wesley-
was momentarily convinced of the truth as expounded by a group
of missionary Moravians.
When reform erupted in Saxony, the Moravian Brethren, already
a constituted Protestant body, sent messengers to assure Luther of
their sympathy and support ; and, when religious persecution forced
them to leave their native Moravia, they found refuge on the estate
of the German Lutheran Count Nicholas Ludwig von Zinzendorf.
Their theology was basically Lutheran.
Wesley first encountered the Brethren during his journey to
Georgia, and later, under the guidance of Peter Boehler, came to his
"heart warming" experience. While visiting the Brethren in Ger-
many, during the summer of 1738, Wesley recorded that he had
encountered "living proofs of the power of faith ; persons saved from
inward as well as outward sin,"^ but, according to his friend, James
Hutton, his visit with the Pietist leader Augustus Francke, plus the
fact that he had been barred from the Brethren's Communion, had
dulled his enthusiasm for the Germans even before this return to
England.^ When in 1739 the preaching of Philip Henry Molther
aroused the antinomian controversy at the Fetter Lane Society,
Wesley's reaction was decisive. He condemned the tendency toward
mystical quietism, describing this "grand delusion" as "an enthusiastic
doctrine of devils", and exhorted his followers to participate in the
ordinances of Christ and practice the performance of good works. '^
It is extremely doubtful that Molther ever held the views imputed
to him by Wesley. His background as the son of a Lutheran
minister, his education at the University of Jena, the fact that he was
a tutor to Count Zinzendorf's son, his continued service to the
Moravian Church, his election as a Bishop of the Church in 1775, his
private letters and his hymns, the fact that he claimed to have
received the full assurance of faith while partaking of the sacrament,
the testimony of Peter Boehler on his behalf, and the opinion of
Charles Wesley that Molther had been misunderstood, all absolve him
of Wesley's charges.
The controversy has traditionally been explained by Moravians
in terms of Wesley's jealousy of Molther and by Methodists in terms
of Moravian Antinomianism, but the problem was far too complicated
3. Ibid., I, 110.
4. Moravian Church House, London, MS: The History of the Renewed
Brcthcni's Church, II, 649.
5. Wesley, Works, I, 275.
14
to be resolved in such elementary conclusions. The conflict between
Wesley and Molther paralleled that which existed between the
Moravian Brethren and German Pietists, involving two divergent
views of righteousness. The Brethren inclined toward Luther and
contended for the concept of Christ's imputed righteousness, whereas
Wesley followed Pietism in maintaining the necessity of a personal,
inherent righteousness.
The doctrine of imputed righteousness had its foundation in the
Lutheran doctrine of justification by faith alone ; and, according to
Hutton, Wesley accused the Brethren of following Luther without
discrimination, dwelling exclusively upon the doctrine of faith and
neglecting the Law and zeal for sanctification.*' It is revealing that
although Wesley included The Life of John Calvin, The Life of
Philip Melanchthon, and The History of Martin Luther in his
Christian Library, he regarded none of the Reformers' works highly
enough to include them. In fact, Wesley was quite critical of Luther,
describing him as "shallow", "confused", and blasphemously anti-
nomian."^
The intercourse between the Moravians and Methodists was
terminated in September of 1741, when Wesley met with Count
Zinzendorf and, having discussed the notions of imputed and inherent
righteousness, was fully persuaded that Zinzendorf was antinomian.
Wesley held tenaciously to the tenet of personal righteousness. He
wrote :
The righteousness of Christ is doubtless necessary for every soul that
enters glory; but so is personal holiness too, for every child of man . . .
The former is necessary to entitle us to heaven; the latter to qualify us
for it.8
Wesley's relationship with the Brethren afiforded an important
link with Lutheran thought, but the Lutheran doctrine of justification
by faith alone, as it found expression in the Moravian emphasis upon
imputed righteousness, offended Wesley's sense of the indispensa-
bility of good works and gave rise to an amplified affirmation of the
Law of God.
Wesley's association and controversy with the Moravians also
formed the background for his subsequent conflict with Calvinism,
for the notion of imputed righteousness, which Wesley considered
6. David Benham, Memoirs of James Hutton (London : Hamilton, Adams,
and Co., 1856), p. 54. Taken from "Hutton's Account of the Fetter Lane Break".
7. Wesley, Works, I, 315-16.
8. Ibid., VII, 314.
15
antiiiomian, was accentuated by the Calvinistic doctrines of Predesti-
nation, Election, and Reprobation. The Calvinist contest continued
over some thirty-five or forty years, during which time Wesley broke
with his friends, George Whitefield, William Seward, John Cennick,
Joseph Humphreys, and Howell Harris. The Minutes of the Meth-
odist Conference of 1770 stated:
We have received it as a maxim, that a man is to do nothing in order
to justification: Nothing can be more false. Whoever desires to find favor
with God, should cease from evil, and learn to do well : Whoever repents,
should do works meet for repentance, and if this is not in order to find
favor, what does he do them for ? Who of us is now accepted of God ? He
that now believes in Christ with a loving, obedient heart. But who among
those who never heard of Christ? He that, according to the light he
has, feareth God and worketh righteousness. Is not this salvation by
works? Not by the merit of works, but by works as a condition. As to
merit itself, of which we have been so dreadfully afraid : We are rewarded
according to our works. . . .Does not talking of a justified or sanctified
state tend to mislead men ? Almost naturally leading them to trust in what
was done in one moment ? Whereas we are every hour and every moment,
pleasing or displeasing God, according to our works; . . .^
The appearance of these doctrinal propositions incited a turbulent
reaction among the contemporary theologians, particularly those in
connection with the Countess of Huntingdon. A literary deluge
followed as 'Calvinistic' and 'Arminian' Methodists joined in con-
troversy. The Calvinist clan was led by John Berridge, Richard and
Rowland Hill, and Augustus Toplady ; and their opposition con-
sisted mainly of Wesley, Thomas Olivers, and John Fletcher. From
Fletcher's prolific pen came the well-known Checks to Antinomian-
ism, in which he attempted to vindicate the 1770 Minutes against
the Calvinistic charges of Pelagianism and justification by works.
His thought culminated in his An Equal Check to Pharisaism and
Antinomianism, a work consisting of three essays entitled: first,
"An Historical Essay Upon the Importance and Harmony of the Two
Gospel Precepts, Believe and Obey, and Upon the Fatal Consequences
Which Flow From Parting Faith and Works" ; second, "A Scriptural
Essay on the Astonishing Rewardableness of Works According to
the Covenant of Grace" ; and third, "An Essay on Truth, Being a
Rational Vindication of the Doctrine of Salvation by Faith." Fletch-
er's aim was the same as Bull's some seventy-five years before .
to establish a harmony between faith and works, to proclaim justifica-
9. Minutes of the Methodist Conferences 1744-1798. (London: Printed by
Thomas Cordeux, 1812). I, 96-97.
16
tion by faith, and at the same time, preserve the indispensability of
good works.
Wesley's prime concern in his conflict with Calvinism appears to
have been to sustain the concept of man's freedom ; and, in his 1774
Thoughts Upon Necessity, he charged that Necessarianism neutra-
lized any distinction between good and evil. He insisted upon man's
moral responsibility and maintained that in order to preserve this
responsibility man must be free. Unlike the continental Reformers,
he was unable to reconcile the imputation ol original sin and moral
impotence with the justice of God; and, being persuaded that the
condemnation of all men for Adam's sin impugned both the justice
and mercy of God, he, like Ussher and Cudworth, asserted that
through the atoning work of Christ preventing grace is communi-
cated to all men for the recovery of that which they lost in the
Adamic fall. Thus, Wesley felt that God's prevenient grace affords
man freedom as well as acquitting him of Adam's transgression. He
carefully avoided Pelagianism by renouncing natural free will and
insisting that the freedom which man possesses "is a measure of
freedom supernaturally restored". ^° Nevertheless, it may be noted
that the universal nature of prevenient grace, in Wesley's thought,
produced a practical effect in man's potentialities which is identical
with Pelagianism.
In opposing Antinomianism, Wesley preached a two-fold concept
of justification, comprised of initial acceptance and final salvation.
He described initial justification as restoration to the favor of God
and asserted its sole meritorious cause to be the death and righteous-
ness of Christ ; yet, like Hooker, he acknowledged the efficacy of
secondary causes and affirmed that justification, although merited
solely by Christ, is conditional. He declared the sole condition of
initial justification to be faith, and accepted the Church of England's
definition of saving faith as "a sure trust and confidence, which a
man hath in God, that through the merits of Christ his sins are for-
given, and he is reconciled to the favor of God."
But Wesley's experience with the antinomian stillness at the
Fetter Lane Society led him to concede that repentance and works
of repentance are also necessarily antecedent to justifying faith. He
refused to term works of repentance a condition of justification, in-
sisting that since they do not spring from faith they cannot properly
be termed good works. Rather, he interpreted repentance and works
of repentance as conditionally necessary to justification, to be per-
10. Wesley, Works, X, 229-30; XII, 453.
17
formed according to time and opportunity. Wesley's almost scholastic
concern with the relationship between repentance and faith is reminis-
cent of the sixteenth-century controversy involving Melanchthon,
Agricola, and Luther, in which Luther attempting to effect a com-
promise allowed repentance to be antecedent to justifying faith, but
insisted that it is founded upon a prior general faith. In direct con-
trast with Wesley, Calvin interpreted repentance as an actual turning
to God by faith and concluded that faith is antecedent to, and the
ground of, repentance. Calvin regarded man as justified literally by
faith alone, with repentance and works of repentance flowing from
faith. Wesley, although he employed the term justification liy faith
alone, insisted that repentance and works of repentance, where there
is time and opportunity, necessarily precede faith, thereby consti-
tuting faith dependent upon repentance. It must follow, therefore,
for Wesley, that justification is conditioned upon repentance and
faith, and works of repentance where there is opportunity, and that
by the term justification by faith alone, he merely implied "that
without faith we cannot be justified" and "as soon as anyone has
true faith, in that moment," since repentance has necessarily preceded
faith, "he is justified".^^
Wesley's grand protest against Antinomianism at the 1770 Meth-
odist Conference manifested a more radical interpretation of the
necessity of good works for initial justification. He expressed his
doubt that God ever justified anyone who "neither feared God nor
wrought righteousness," and explicitly asserted that "whoever desires
to find favor with God, should cease from evil, and learn to do well"
and that "whoever repents, should do works meet for repentance . . .
in order to find favor".^^
In the 1770 Minutes Wesley also affirmed that those who were
ignorant of Christ would be justified by fearing God and performing
works of righteousness according to the grace they were granted.
This concept of salvation through "sincere obedience", which Wesley
first learned from William Law's Serious Call, was expressed by the
Anglican Ralph Cudworth and was integral to Fletcher's doctrine of
dispensations in his Checks to Antinomianism. Wesley extended this
principle to the point of renouncing the doctrine of justification by
faith to be "the grand doctrine by which the Church stands or falls,"
and declaring it to be time to "lay aside big words which have no
determinate meaning" and "return to the plain word, he that feareth
11. Ibid, VIII, 47.
12. Minutes of Methodist Conference, 1770.
18
God, and worketh righteousness is accepted. . . "}^ Wesley's fear
of Antinomianism was manifested in the Minutes by his reluctance
to speak of a justified state, and apparently he ceased preaching
justification by faith as a converting doctrine, for on March 23, 1777,
he recorded :
I preached at St. Ewin's Church, but not upon justification by faith. I do
not find this to be a profitable subject to an unawakened congregation.^^
The doctrine of a second justification was a manifestation of
Wesley's fear that speaking of a justified state might lead men to an
antinomian trust in what was done in one moment. He repudiated
the Calvinistic concepts of finished salvation and infallible perse-
verance and asserted that in order to attain final salvation man must
achieve perfection or sanctification (the words are virtually inter-
changeable in Wesleyan usage). This sanctification Wesley affirmed
to be conditioned upon faith, both for its commencement and for its
sustenance; yet, he maintained "words of piety" and "words of
mercy" to be indispensable.^^ Thus, although he founded initial
justification upon "such a faith as, working by love, produces all
obedience and holiness", preceded by repentance and works of repent-
ance where there is time and opportunity, he grounded second justi-
fication, or final salvation, upon both faith and works. The Methodist
Conference of 1744 established the necessity of good works for second
justification, as did the Minutes of 1770. In his Remarks on Hill's
Farrago Double Distilled. Wesley stated that "final salvation is by
works as a condition", and in A Farther Appeal he wrote :
With regard to the condition of salvation, it may be remembered that I
allow, not only faith, but likewise holiness or universal obedience to be
the ordinary condition of final salvation. . .^^
John Wesley was indeed an Anglican, in the tradition of Hooker,
Ussher, Laud, and Bull. The ultimate concern which is evident
throughout the maze of Wesleyan refinements upon justification and
sanctification is the desire to maintain the absolute necessity of in-
herent righteousness and holiness within the context of salvation by
faith. Adopting the theology he had learned from his parents, Wesley
rejected as antinomian the notion of imputed righteousness prominent
in both the Moravians and Calvinists, and endeavored to motivate
13. Wesley, Works, III, 308.
14. Ibid., IV, 95.
15. Ibid., VI, 51; VIII, 286.
16. Ibid., VIII, 68.
19
men to holiness by the doctrine of perfection enforced with the sanc-
tions of reward and punishment.
It must be conckided that in opposition to what he feared were
the antinomian tenets of Moravianism and Calvinism, Wesley adopted
the theology of the Church of England "as it stands opposite to the
doctrine of the Antinomians, on the one hand, and to that of justi-
fication by works on the other."^" He rejected the Reformation
theology, which represented justification as synonymous with final
salvation ... an act of God performed once and for all time, and
accepted the Anglo-Catholic zna media, which portrayed justification
as the point of conversion from which man is enabled to cooperate
with God's grace, live righteously, and thereby finally receive the just
reward of salvation. In 1765 Wesley wrote:
God thrust us out utterly against our will, to raise a holy people. When
Satan could no otherwise prevent this, he threw Calvinism in our way, and
then Antinomianism, which struck at the root of both inward and outward
holiness. ^^
17. Ibid., VIII, 51.
18. Minutes of Methodist Conference, 1765.
John Wesley
and Jonathan Edwards
Charles A. Rogers
Instructor in Historical Theology
Although John Wesley and Jonathan Edwards were contempor-
aries and both were involved in great revival movements, they never
met and, curiously, never engaged in any direct correspondence. The
two men did have knowledge of each other's work and ideas, how-
ever, obtained either through the mediation of other men or through
published writings. The evidence relating to Edwards' knowledge
of Wesley is minimal, but is, nevertheless, sufficient to allow some
guarded speculations as to the nature of his views regarding Wesley.
On the other hand, the materials for determining Wesley's attitude
towards Edwards are more extensive, and reveal some significant
points concerning Wesley's life and thought.
A Bibliographical Survey
Wesley was familiar with Edwards' role in the "Great Awaken-
ing" in New England, and with much of his written work. He not
only read a large number of Edwards' writings, but published in
abridged form no less than five of his major works. Included in the
five abridgements were the four treatises comprising Edwards' re-
ports and reflections on the New England revival. The first of
Edwards' "revival treatises" was A Faithful Narrative of the Sur-
prising Work of God, written in 1736, containing specific accounts
and descriptions of those "being wrought upon" by the Holy Spirit.^
The final treatise was the exhaustive discussion of the nature and
marks of true religion in A Treatise Concerning Religious Affections
(1746).- Between the publication of these treatises, Edwards wrote
1. Jonathan Edwards, A Faithful Narrative of the Surprising Work of God
in the Conversion of Many Hundred Souls in Northampton and the Neighboring
Towns and Villages of Neiv Hampshire in New England (London, 1737). Here-
after cited as the Faithful Narrative.
2. Jonathan Edwards, A Treatise Concerning Religious Affections, edited by
John Smith (New Haven, Yale University Press, 1959). Hereafter cited as
Religious Affections.
21
two other works on the revival. In 1741 there appeared The Dis-
tinguishing Marks of a Work of the Spirit of God, followed the
next year by Some Thoughts Concerning the Present Revival of
Religion in Nezv England.^ Wesley's abridgments of these four
treatises were printed a collective total of nine times during his life-
time.*
In addition to the writings concerning the revival, Wesley pub-
lished one other major work of Edwards. This was the biographical
account of David Brainerd, missionary to the Housatonnuck Indians
in New Jersey and Edwards' son-in-law. The biography was pub-
lished by Edwards in 1749, after Brainerd's premature death. It
consisted primarily of excerpts taken from Brainerd's papers and
journals, with some "Reflections and Observations" by Edwards con-
cerning the excellency of Brainerd's personal piety and love of God.^
In December, 1749, Wesley recorded in his Journal,
On Saturday 9, I read the surprising "Extract of Mr. Brainerd's Journal."
Surely God hath once more 'given to the Gentiles repentance unto life.'®
Wesley was greatly moved by the quality of the life and work of
Brainerd, and the memory of Brainerd's exemplary piety remained
with him throughout the rest of his life. He frequently referred to
Brainerd's life as an appropriate example for all ministers. In the
minutes of the conversations between Wesley and his preachers, in
reply to the question, "What can be done in order to revive the work
of God where it is decayed?", Wesley answers, in part, as follows:
Let every preacher read carefully over the "Life of David Brainerd."
Let us be followers of him, as he was of Christ, in absolute self-devotion,
in total deadness to the world, and in fervent love to God and man. Let
3. Hereafter cited as Distinguishing Marks and Some Thoughts.
4. Wesley published the Faithful Narrative in 1744; the second edition ap-
peared in 1755; Distinguishing Marks was also published in 1744, with a second
edition in 1755. His abridgment of Some Thoughts appeared in 1745. All three
works were subsequently published in Wesley's Collected Works (London, Wil-
liam Pine, 1773), Vol. 17, pp. 110-385. The Extract from a Treatise Concerning
Religious Affections was first published in the Collected Works, Vol. 23, pp. 177-
279; the second edition appeared in 1801 after Wesley's death.
5. Jonathan Edwards, An Account of the Life of the Late Reverend Mr.
David Brainerd, Minister of the Gospel, Missionary to the Indians, from the
Honourable Society in Scotland, for the Propagation of Christian Knoivledge,
and Pastor of a Church of Christian Indians in New Jersey (Worcester, 1793),
pp. 311 flf.
6. Nehemiah Curnock (ed.), The Journal of the Rev. John Wesley (London,
Epworth Press, 1960), Vol. HI, p. 449. Hereafter cited as Journal.
22
us but secure this point, and the world and the devil must fall under our
feetJ
Wesley's abridged version of the biography appeared in 1768 under
the title An Extract of the Life of the Late Rev. Mr. David Brainerd,
Missionary to Indians.^
These five items complete the number of Edwardsean writings
that Wesley abridged and published.*^ It is clear that Wesley also
knew Edwards' treatise, Freedom of the Will, taking opportunity to
respond to it critically on two occasions, but he did not publish an
abridgment of it due, as we shall see, to reasons of theological
disagreement.^" We should note, however, that Wesley did publish
a larger number of separate works of Edwards than of any other man,
giving some indication of the respect he held for Edwards, and
especially of the value he saw in Edwards' works on the revival. ^^
This respect is further exemplified by the fact that Wesley was
quick to suggest the including of Edwards in an "ecumenical" prayer
union, organized by several ministers in Scotland "to promote more
abundant application to a duty that is perpetually binding, that our
Lord's kingdom may come."^- Edwards ought to be included be-
7. Thomas Jackson (ed.), The Works of John Wesley (Grand Rapids,
Zondervan Publishing House, n.d.), VIII, p. 328. Hereafter cited as Works.
In spite of his appreciation of Brainerd, Wesley was nevertheless critical of what
he thought was Brainerd's superior attitude about himself and his work. C/.,
Journal, HI, p. 449.
8. Lx)ndon, 1768. Second Edition, London, 1771. The Extract was also
published in Wesley's Collected Works (London, William Pine, 1772), Vol. 12,
pp. 27-309, and Vol. 13, pp. 3-36.
9. Richard Green {The Works of John and Charles Wesley, London, 1906,
p. 288), ascribes a sermon titled "God is Love," published in abridged form in
the Arminian Magazine, January-July, 1785, to Jonathan Edwards. The sermon,
however, does not appear in any of Edwards' published works, and cannot
be conclusively attributed to Edwards.
10. Jonathan Edwards, Freedom of the Will, edited by Paul Ramsey (New
Haven, Yale University Press, 1957). Hereafter cited by title.
11. C"/., Frank Baker, "The Beginnings of American Methodism," Methodist
History, Vol. II, #1, October, 1963, 1-15.
12. The "prayer concert" was initiated in October, 1744, by the Rev. James
Robe of Kilsyth in Scotland, and soon gained support in that country. Wesley
learned of the proposal for prayer and praise in March, 1745, through a letter
from James Erskine, a friend of Mr. Robe. Wesley immediately suggested the
concurrence of Edwards and Gilbert Tennant in America. On August 26, 1746,
a memorial was sent to New England requesting the people there "to join in . . .
this method of united prayer, and in endeavoring to promote it." The text of the
memorial appears in S. E. Dwight (ed.), The Works of President Edwards
(New York, 1829-30), Vol. Ill, pp. 457-459.
23
cause the revival in New England, wrote Wesley, "is evidently one
work with what we have seen here."^^
It is apparent, therefore, that Wesley held Edwards in high regard
and was more than passingly familiar with his literary work. Further,
in making all of his writings on the revival available in abridged
form, it is clear that Wesley found in Edwards much that he con-
sidered worthy of the attention of those involved in the revival in
England. On the basis of these abridgments, particularly those of
the revival treatises, together with other writings of Wesley, we are
able more precisely to determine the nature of Wesley's relationship
to Edwards.
Wesley and the Revival Treatises
The first of Edwards' works that Wesley encountered was the
Faithful Narrative. In this work Edwards reported on the awaken-
ings as he had observed them, describing the way in which conversions
usually occurred. On the basis of his observations, Edwards ven-
tured some conclusions about the nature of conversion. It is an
inward work of God, changing the heart of a man and "infusing life"
into his dead soul.^"* Because it is an inward matter, it is neither
proper nor possible for one man to make a judgment about the
validity of the conversion of another.^^ But true conversion, claimed
Edwards, appears to include certain general characteristics, such as
new inward awareness and conviction of the truth of the Gospel, new
insight into the scriptures, and an inward love to God and Christ.^^
Edwards seems to suggest that these inward experiences might be
taken as marks of grace for the testing of the authenticity of one's
own conversion. ^^ However, the use of these marks in the matter of
self-appraisal should be exercised with caution, because the degree
of these experiences varies with individuals. Edwards observed that
there is a "great difference among those that are converted as to
the degree of hope and satisfaction that they have concerning their
own state. "^^ Many profess a high degree of assurance, but most
of the converts are weaker in their convictions and "are frequently
13. John Telford (ed.). The Letters of the Rev. John Wesley (London, The
Epworth Press, I960), Vol. II, p. 2>i. Hereafter cited as Letters.
14. Cf., Faithful Narrative, pp. 64-65.
15. Ibid., p. 62.
16. Ibid., pp. 69-70. 73-74.
17. Ibid., p. 62.
18. Ibid., p. 82.
24
exercised with scruples and fears concerning their condition."^^
Especially are they bothered by the corruption they know remains in
their hearts, by the indwelling sins of pride, envy, and revenge, and
by "wandering thoughts in the time of public praise and worship. "^"^
This remaining sense of defilement and lack of assurance, however,
are not necessary signs, according to Edwards, that their conversion
is not a true one. Indeed usually, after a time, the Spirit of God
renews his gracious influences and "doubting and darkness soon
vanish away."-^
Wesley read Edwards' account of the conversions in New England
within five months after his experience of faith at Aldersgate Street.
On October 9, 1738, while journeying from London, Wesley recorded
these words.
I set out for Oxford. In walking I read the truly surprising narrative of
the conversions lately wrought in and about the town of Northampton, in
New England. Surely, 'this is the Lord's doing, and it is marvellous in
our eyes.'^^
This reading of the Faithful Narrative made a significant personal
impression on Wesley, contributing to an occasion of perplexity and
sell-examination in relation to the strength and validity of his own
faith. What are the signs by which one may test the authenticity
of his faith? Wesley perceives that a man who has true faith must
be, in the words of St. Paul, a "new creature." Applying this
principle to himself, Wesley finds that he is, indeed, a new man in
some respects while lacking in others. He does seek true happiness
in God rather than in earthly things, and he has come to view holiness
as a reality of the heart rather than the performance of outward
deeds. Both his conversation and his actions, Wesley believes, are
appropriate to his ministerial office and are directed to the glory of
God. In these ways, Wesley sees himself as a new man. In other
respects, however, he finds himself wanting. He still does not have
his desires totally directed towards heavenly things, although he
does feel he has made, and is making, progress. Furthermore, while
there is some measure of "peace, long-suffering, gentleness, meekness,
temperance" in his life, other important qualities are missing.
I cannot find in myself the love of God, or of Christ. Hence my deadness
and wanderings in public prayer : Hence it is, that even in the Holy Com-
munion I have frequently no more than a cold attention. Again: I have
19. Ibid., p. 82.
20. Ibid., p. 83.
21. Ibid., p. 85.
22. Journal, II, pp. 83-84.
25
not that joy in the Holy Ghost; no settled lasting joy. Nor have I such a
peace as excludes the possibility either of fear or doubt.-^
For Wesley, such doubts and fears are evidence of the weakness of
faith. Faith, he believes, brings inward assurance and joy, dis-
pelling doubt and uneasiness.-^ On the basis of this self-analysis
Wesley concludes that while he does not yet have the "full assurance
of faith," he does have some measure of faith that he is forgiven and
reconciled to God through Jesus Christ. ^^ He sees himself as one
of the "babes in Christ", whose faith is authentic but weak, and in
need of increase.-^
This episode indicates two important aspects in Wesley's life and
thought as regards his relationship with Edwards. It illustrates,
first of all, the fact that Wesley's awakening at Aldersgate, important
though it was, was not, as has frequently been claimed, the all-
decisive religious experience in his life. Wesley's encounter with
the Faithful Narrative provides evidence of his struggle, even after
Aldersgate, for the certainty of faith. Edwards' account of the
conversions in New England helped stimulate a self-examination
which brought Wesley both comfort and disquietude concerning his
spiritual state, and helped maintain him in the quest for assurance
which had begun earlier and would continue into the spring of 1739.-'^
In addition to maintaining and stimulating Wesley's quest for
the fullness and assurance of faith, the Faithful Narrative helped
raise the question of proper marks for determining true faith and
conversion. Both Wesley and Edwards, as we have seen, were con-
cerned for marks of faith and conversion, and both were agreed that
true marks were primarily matters of inward feeling and conviction.
The explicit delineation of these marks, however, was of interest to
Wesley, initially for the purpose of his own assurance, and later for
the benefit of those claiming religious awakening through his preach-
ing. It was largely the concern for valid marks which led Wesley,
in 1744, during the early years of the revival, to publish his abridg-
ment of the Faithful Narrative. Edwards' general characteristics
would be helpful and instructive guides for Wesley's converts. ^^
23. Ibid., II, p. 91.
24. Ibid., I, pp. 414-415 ; II, 91.
25. Ibid., II, p. 91.
26. Ibid., I, p. 482.
27. Ibid., II, pp. 89 flf., 125.
28. It is worth noting that the Faithful Narrative still retained a place of
importance for Wesley late in his life. Letters written at this time recommend
the work in defense of what some believed to be only emotional excesses. See
Letters, VII, pp. 207, 352.
26
The Distinguishing Marks was edited and published by Wesley
in the same year, and for the same reason, as the Faithjul Narrative
(17z^4), In the Distinguishing Marks, Edwards elaborated on the
notion of marks or signs by which conversion may be judged re-
garding its authenticity as a work of the Spirit. There was a change,
however, in Edwards' view of the value of signs. The Scriptures,
he affirmed, provide us with true and certain marks of the work of
the Spirit "by which we may proceed safely in judging of any
operation we find in ourselves, or see in others."^^ It is possible
and necessary, for the well-being of the church, to distinguish be-
tween true and false conversion. Edwards rejected such things as
"groanings" and "tremblings", or the making a "great deal of noise"
about religion, as acceptable criteria for judging either the truth or
falsity of conversion.^" He pointed instead to a greater esteem for
Jesus as Savior and Lord, to the turning away from sin and worldly
lusts and a turning toward God and man in a spirit of love, to a con-
tinuing concern for truth and a higher regard for the divinity and
truth of the Holy Scripture as true marks of the work of the Holy
Spirit.^^ If these marks are present in a man, we may be assured
that he is truly converted. On the basis of the prevalence of these
marks, moreover, Edwards declared that the New England awaken-
ings were "undoubtedly, in the general, from the Spirit of God".^-
While Wesley's abridgment of the Distinguishing Marks reduced
the work by nearly one-half its original length, Edwards' views about
the possibility and necessity of marks of conversion, and about what
are and what are not proper signs for judging conversion were kept
by Wesley without significant alteration. Wesley saw in Edwards'
"marks" scriptural criteria for authenticating and justifying those
phenomena of conversion that were occurring under his leadership.
These marks he made available to his own hearers and professed con-
verts. A contemporary source claims that Wesley (and Whitefield)
"earnestly recommended" Edwards' treatise "to the serious perusal
of all Christians of all denominations, especially to ministers".^^
Wesley found assistance of a different nature in Some Thoughts,
Edwards' third treatise on the revival. There were many people in
England and America who were critical of the awakenings, seeing
29. S. E. Dwight (ed.), The Works of President Edivards (New York, 1829-
30), III, p. 560 (italics mine). Hereafter cited by title.
30. Ibid., Ill, pp. 562-567.
Sl.Ibid., Ill, pp. 580-584.
32. Ibid., Ill, p. 588.
33. Cf., Richard Green, up. cit., ]). 29.
27
in them the spectre of "enthusiasm". In England, criticism was
frequently accompanied by overt harassment and persecution.^'*
Some Thoughts was Edwards' defense of the American revival
against its critics. He answered the charges of enthusiasm by insist-
ing that we ought to judge in religious matters by the testimony of
Scripture alone, and not by our own predetermined notions of re-
ligion as a calm and dispassionate matter, free from any inward or
outward affectations. According to Scripture, claimed Edwards,
true religion is seated in the heart or soul of man, and consists in
affections of the will, a faculty of the soul.^'* Religious affections
are those exercises of the will as it is inclined in high degrees of
love towards God.^^ Such affections of the will sometimes gives rise
to extraordinary external manifestations which, within limits, are
"natural, necessary, and beautiful," and of "great benefit to promote
religion".^'^ Edwards recognized, however, that emotional excesses
were present in the revival. Frequently, instances of professed con-
version were accompanied by undue outward bodily effects. Edwards
did not condone these things, but he did claim that such effects in
themselves provided no conclusive evidence of the presence or absence
of the Spirit, and thus were not proper criteria for judging either the
truth or falsity of religion. They may be a manifestation of the work
of the Spirit, or they may be an excitation of the "animal spirits" in
man. Other criteria are necessary for determining a work of the
Spirit with certainty, and these, as he had shown in the Distinguishing
Marks, are provided in Scripture.^^ Edwards answered his critics
by repudiating their basis of judgment. On scriptural grounds
Edwards believed that the revival was undoubtedly a "glorious work
of God" and ought to have the support rather than the condemnation
of men.^^ Wesley saw in Edwards' defense of the revival a helpful
rejoinder to his own critics and persecutors.
In his fourth and final work on the revival, A Treatise Concerning
34. Cf., Wesley, Works, XIII, pp. 169-193.
35. Works of President Edzvards, IV, p. 83.
36. Ibid., IV, pp. 83-86.
37. Ibid., IV, 232.
38. In Some Thoughts, Edwards mentions certain proper criteria. "Scripture
rules respect the state of the mind, and person's moral conduct, and voluntary
behavior, and not the physical state of the body." Again, the following may be
taken as valid signs of the Spirit's work : "A great increase of a spirit of
seriousness and sober consideration of the things of the eternal world; a dis-
position to hearken to anything that is said of things of this nature . . . ; a
disposition to make these things the subject of conversation; and a great dis-
position to hear the Word of God preached . . ." Cf., Ibid., IV, pp. 85, 105.
39. Ibid., IV, pp. 79, 118, 124 fif.
28
Religious Affections, Edwards turned his attention from the defense
of the revival against its critics, to attempt to point with positive signs
to the nature of true rehgion and to distinguish it from false, that is,
from religion which consists of temporary emotional exercises and
subsequent "falling away". In this work, Edwards directed his
thoughts to those who professed conversion, offering proper signs by
which they might "try" themselves to see if their religion was
authentic. To accomplish this purpose, Edwards divided his work
into three parts. In the first part, he argues that true religion does
consist "in great part" in holy or "gracious affections". By gracious
affections Edwards means the "vigorous and sensible exercises of
the inclination of the will of the soul" towards God and the great
truths of the Gospel.^" He notes that the soul and body constitute
a unity, so that any activity of the will of the soul also affects the
body. Thus it is necessary to distinguish between passions and
affections. The passions are outward exercises brought about
through the overpowering of the mind by the animal spirits in man.
Affections, on the other hand, are sensible activities which have their
cause in the inclination of the will, but the will is so related to the
human mind that it cannot be religiously inclined apart from the
exercise of reason or understanding.'*^ Gracious affections are not
mere passions or rank enthusiasm, but activities of the will based
upon perception and understanding.
There were some activities in the revival that raised some ques-
tion in Edwards' mind as to their authenticity as true religious affec-
tions. He was, however, unwilling to dismiss them as having no
possibility of being authentic. Thus, in the second part of the treatise,
Edwards argues that such actions as rollings, shoutings, and scream-
ings are not to be considered as certain signs for determining the
character of religion. He retains the position taken in Some
Thoughts, now directed to converts rather than critics, that external
bodily effects are not adequate evidence for judging religion, and thus
struck a blow at some of the notions of "popular" religion by deny-
ing that many of the signs accepted by people were conclusively
valid. Better criteria than these were required if one were to dis-
tinguish adequately between true and false religion."*-
The third section of the treatise contains Edwards' presentation
of the marks of "spiritual and gracious affections" by which they may
40. Religious Affections, p. 96.
41. Ibid., p. 98.
42. Ibid., pp. 127 ff.
29
be distinguished from false affections. Since religion consists in
large measure in affections, Edwards is here, in reality, offering signs
descriptive of true religion. True affections arise from the inward
operation of the Holy Spirit which gives to men a new sense of the
reality of divine things and especially of the truth of the Gospel of
Jesus Christ. In consequence, they are brought to an "evangelical
humiliation", an awareness of their sinfulness and utter insufficiency,
which militates against spiritual pride and self-exaltation.^^ Further,
true affections are accompanied by a change in man's nature and life,
a turning from sin to God and a growing into the spirit of love and
meekness as exemplified in Jesus Christ.'** When the affections are
genuine, there is an increase in obedience to God's commands and in
the Christian practice of love to God and man. Indeed, "Christian
practice or a holy life" is the chief sign of gracious affections and
true religion.*^ Edwards was attempting, in this treatise, to minimize
the importance of outward emotional exercises, and to point to those
signs, inward and outward, which are properly characteristic of true
religion.*^
Wesley's appreciation of Edwards' earlier writings on the revival
did not extend unqualifiedly to the Religious Affections. He had,
indeed, some significant criticisms of the treatise. Wesley apparently
understood the work of Edwards' attempt to justify his support of
the awakenings in the early stages of the revival when, in the "cooling-
off" period, many of the supposed converts began to "fall away". In
the "Preface" to his 1773 abridgment, Wesley says :
The design of Mr. Edwards in the treatise, from which the following
extract is made, seems to have been (chiefly, if not altogether) to serve
his hypothesis. In three preceding tracts, he had given an account of a
glorious work in New England; of abundance of sinners, of every sort
and degree, who were in a short time converted to God. But in a few
years, a considerable part of these "turned back as a dog to the vomit."
What was the plain inference to be drawn from this? Why that a true
believer may "make shipwreck of the faith." How then could he evade the
force of this ? Truly by eating his own words, and proving . . . that they
were no believers at all.
In order to do this, continues Wesley,
He heaps together so many curious, subtle, metaphysical distinctions,
as are sufficient to puzzle the brain and confound the intellects, of all the
43. Ibid., pp. 311 ff., 315.
44. Ibid., pp. 340-345.
45. Ibid., pp. 383, 426.
46. Ibid., pp. 84, 87-88.
30
plain men and women in the universe; and to make them doubt of, if not
wholly deny, all the work which God hath wrought in their souls. '^''^
Wesley's objection concerns what he considers to be Edwards' hypoth-
esis, namely, that those "converts" who became "backsliders" had
never been true converts at all. That is to say, the real point of con-
tention appears to be a suspicion on Wesley's part that an untenable
aspect of Edwards' Calvinism was the informing presupposition of
the treatise, namely, the doctrine of the perseverance of the saints
and, behind that, the doctrine of God's eternal election and reproba-
tion. True believers are the elect of God and therefore cannot com-
pletely fall from grace. Edwards did indeed declare, in a section
deleted by Wesley, that a saint can never fall away entirely and "they
that do fall away, and cease visibly to (walk in newness of life), 'tis
a sign they never were risen with Christ."^^ In Wesley's view of
the process of salvation, election was given on condition of faith, and
it was possible for a justified and regenerate man to "make shipwreck
of the faith." This did not mean, however, that he had never been a
true believer.'*^ Furthermore, it was possible for a backslider to re-
cover and go on to salvation. The point is that Wesley would have no
part of a doctrine of unconditional election or of its corollary, the
doctrine of perseverance.^'^
In fairness to Edwards, it must be said that Wesley apparently
misunderstood the purpose of the treatise. Edwards was not trying
to explain the fact of backsliding in the revival on the basis of his
doctrine of election. Rather, his purpose was to explicate valid signs
for distinguishing between true and false religion. On the basis of
these signs, he was able to conclude both that genuine conversions had
47. Wesley, Works, XIV, pp. 269-270.
4S. Religious Affections, pp. 390-391.
49. Wesley, IVorks, X, pp. 242 fif, 284 ff, 297.
50. It is perhaps significant to note that Wesley usually deletes Edwards'
words "true saints," or changes them to "true believers" or "true Christians,"
thus eliminating any indication of the untenable Calvinism he saw in the trea-
tise. See, for exam])le, Wesley, Collected Works (London, William Pine, 1773),
23, pp. 231, 259, 261. A brief example of Wesley's editing is instructive. The
deletions from Edwards' text are in italics.
"Every A true Christian perseveres in this way of universal obedience,
and diligent and earnest service of God, through all the various kinds of
trials that he meets with, to the end of life. That all true saints, all those
that obtain eternal life, do thus persevere in the practice of religion, and
the service of God, is a doctrine so abundantly taught in the Scripture,
that particularly to rehearse all the texts which imply it is needless, would
be endless." Cf., Religious Affections, pp. 388-389.
31
taken place, and that some conversions previously thought to be
genuine had turned out to be false. ^^
If, however, Wesley had such strong objections to the treatise,
it is legitimate to ask why he abridged and published it. Wesley him-
self enlightens us.
Out of this dangerous heap, wherein so much wholesome food is mixed
with much deadly poison, I have selected many remarks and admonitions,
which may be of great use to the children of God. May God write them
in the hearts of all that desire to walk as Christ also walked.^^
A study of Wesley's abridgment shows what he considered "whole-
some food". He retains in large measure Edwards' notion that,
according to scripture, true religion consists much in affection, par-
ticularly that of love towards God. Like Edwards, Wesley wants to
avoid any unconditional approval of all affections as genuine and to
establish signs for determining true affections. "There are false
affections and there are true. A man's having much affection does
not prove that he has religion : but his having no affection proves that
he has not. The right way is not to reject all affections, nor to ap-
prove all, but to distinguish between them, approving some and
rejecting others. "^^ It was in Edwards' explication of the distinguish-
ing signs of true religious affections that Wesley saw the greatest
value of the treatise. These signs he made available for the use
and instruction of the "children of God".
Wesley and Edwards' ''Freedom of the Will"
Wesley's essay, "Thoughts Upon Necessity", published in 1774,
contained a remonstrance against Edwards' treatise on free will.^"*
He strongly objected to the deterministic position advocated by
Edwards in relation to the decisions and actions of men. Edwards,
Wesley believed, held that all the inclinations of the will are deter-
mined, first of all by the fact that the motives causing the will to be
inclined in any given way arise from sense perceptions of objective
reality over which man has no control.^° Sensation provides the
"raw-material" for our ideas and judgments which are themselves the
51. Cf., Religious Affections, p. 80n.
52. Wesley, Works, XIV, p. 270.
53. Wesley, Collected Works, (London, William Pine, 1773), 23, p. 192; Cf.,
Religious Affections, p. 121.
54. Wesley, Works, X, pp. 457-474 ; also pp. 474-480.
55. Ibid., X, pp. 460, 475. Cf., Freedom of_ the Will, pp. 137-148. Wesley
repeatedly summarizes Edwards' position using quotation marks but these
"digests" nowhere appear in Edwards in the form given by Wesley.
32
factors conditioning the choices of the will. Furthermore, the will,
as a faculty of the soul, is so united to the body that its "passions"
of "love and hate, joy and sorrow^ desire and fear," and its actions
are also determined. ^^ The ultimate cause which determines the will,
however, is God, "who united our souls to these bodies, placed us in
the midst of these objects, and ordered that these sensations, judg-
ments, passions, and actions should spring therefrom. "^'^ Wesley, it
is true, recognized Edwards' claim that the actions of men are
voluntary, "the fruit of their own will".^^ That is, men do will
certain things, and are free to act in correspondence with their
willing.^^ But Wesley would have none of this evasion, and raised
the prior question of the cause of the choice of the will. On Edwards'
supposition, Wesley asserted, the will of man is "irresistibly impelled"
so that he "cannot help willing thus and thus," and for this reason
the actions flowing from the will are also involuntary and deter-
mined.'^^
Even if Wesley missed many of the subtleties of Edwards' argu-
ment, he perceived accurately the main point of the treatise.
Edwards' was concerned to show that all events, including moral
actions, occur by necessity and that God stands behind all human
volitions as their ultimate cause. As Paul Ramsey has pointed out,
for Edwards, "either contingency and liberty of self-determination
must be run out of the world, or God will be shut out."^^ If all
events, volitions, and actions come into existence contingently and
separately, then all order and purpose disappears from history. The
governing providence of God is destroyed, and God becomes a kind
of mechanic having "little else to do, but to mend broken links as
well as he can, and be rectifying his disjointed frame and disordered
movements, in the best manner the case will allow. "*^- Edwards is
clearly opposed to any notion of self-determination, and insists on a
principle of universal necessary causation in relation to the inclination
and consequent actions of the will.*"^
Such a principle was intolerable to Wesley for, among other
things, it made God the author of sin. Beyond this, according to
56. Ibid., X, pp. 460, 476, 479. Cf., Freedom of the Will, pp. 137 ff.
57. Ibid., X, p. 463. Cf. freedom of the Will, pp. 156-162.
58. Ibid., X, p. 467. Cf., Freedom of the Will, pp. 163-167.
59. Ibid., X, p. 467. Cf., Freedom of the Will, p. 164.
60. Ibid., p. 467.
61. Freedom of the Will, p. 9; Cf., also, pp. 180-185, 239-269.
62. Ibid., p. 254.
63. Cf., Ibid., pp. 171-174, 181-183, 259-260.
33
Wesley, Edwards' deterministic notions also destroyed free choice,
thus making moral goodness impossible. If a man wills and acts
necessarily, being "irresistibly impelled", then he is not capable of
true moral acts. To perform virtuous acts requires man's free inward
consent and choice.*''* Further, determinism makes human actions
neither rewardable nor punishable. Necessary goodness or evil merit
respectively no praise or blame. In consequence, the whole notion
of future rewards and punishments is abolished.*'^ For all these
reasons, Wesley felt compelled to repudiate Edwards' determinism.
In response to determinism, Wesley affirmed that man is not the
prisoner of his sensations nor the pawn of his Creator, and that
liberty was a part of his original endowment, together with the
faculties of will and understanding.
God created man an intelligent being ; and endued him with will as well as
understanding. Indeed, it seems, without this, his understanding would
have been given to no purpose. Neither would either will or understand-
ing have answered any valuable purpose, if liberty had not been added
to them, a power distinct from both; a power of choosing for himself,
a self-determining principle. . . . Certain it is that no being can be ac-
countable for its actions, which has not liberty, as well as will and under-
standing.^^
The Wesleyan answer to the doctrine of determinism was the counter-
affirmation of a principle of liberty given to man at his creation as
the basis for the inclinations, choices, and actions of the will, and the
ground of accountability. To justify this claim, Wesley argues that
the ability to act with freedom in making judgments and choices, and
acting upon them, is a common experience of all mankind.^'^ The
decisive argument, however, was based on Wesley's view of the nature
of God as mercy and love. A God of love would not consign the
"noblest of his creatures" to a chain of necessary evil and consequent
condemnation without any hope of relief, but would provide man
the possibility and means for avoiding evil and doing good.*'^ By
insisting on the gift of the faculty of liberty, Wesley placed himself
in unquestionable opposition to the principle of universal necessary
causation.
Although the question did not become explicit in his criticism of
Edwards, we should note that Wesley's view of liberty had im-
64. Wesley, Works, X, pp. 463-464.
65. Ibid., X, p. 464.
66. Ibid., X, p. 468. Cf., also, VII, 228.
67. Ibid., X, 468.
68. Ibid., X, p. 473.
34
portant implications for his understanding of the human predicament
and the process of salvation. What Wesley said concerning human
liberty must be understood as referring to a principle fully operative
only in pre-Fall man. It was on the basis of his liberty that man
originally and freely sinned, separating himself from God, losing his
liberty in large measure, and corrupting his other faculties. In
consequence of the Fall, all mankind is totally corrupt in nature,
"empty of all good, and filled with all manner of evil".*^^ This, ac-
cording to Wesley, is the natural state of mankind, and in this con-
dition man has no freedom to choose "anything that is truly good"
or perform any moral actions. Because of original sin, the natural
man has power to choose only evil.'^° However, because of his
original freedom man himself, and not any Divine necessity, is re-
sponsible for his fallen condition and deserving of punishment for
infidelity.
Wesley, like Edwards, emphasized the sovereignty of God's grace
in human salvation. Unlike Edwards, however, he did not under-
stand the sovereignty of grace in terms of predestination."^^ Grace
alone is the source, says Wesley, and faith the condition of man's
being justified and accepted by God."^- Man has no native freedom or
ability to make himself acceptable to God through good works or self-
reformation. He does, however, have a limited freedom, given him
by God in virtue of the atoning work of Christ.'^ "Natural free-
will," says Wesley, "in the present state of mankind, I do not under-
stand : I only assert, that there is a measure of free-will supernaturally
restored to every man, together with that supernatural light which
'enlightens every man that cometh into the world.' "'^'^ This free will
and the "light" which illumines his corrupt faculties are, in reality,
gifts of the grace of the Holy Spirit working preveniently in man."^^
No man is "wholly void" of prevenient grace. ''''^ No man can choose
not to have it, and in this sense grace is irresistible. However, it is
possible for man to stifle grace and, indeed, the "generality of men"
do quench it, either through stubborn resistance or failure to follow
its promptings.'"
69. Ibid., VI, p. 63.
70. Ihid., X, pp. 350, 392.
71. Cf., Freedom of the Will, pp. 434-435.
72. Wesley, Works, V, p. 8.
73. Ibid., VI, p. 73 ; VII, p. 188.
74. Ibid., X, pp. 229-230.
75. Ibid., VI, p. 44.
76. Ibid., VI, p. 512.
77. Ibid., VI, pp. 44, 512.
35
Prevenient grace operates, in one respect, as "natural conscience"
enabling man to distinguish between good and evil, and in conse-
quence to know himself, his duty and his sinful state.'^^ It is also
the stimulus of man's initial desires to please God and to abandon evil
ways.'^® Furthermore, prevenient grace restores to man sufficient
freedom either to resist the operations of grace, or to concur with
them.^° But what does Wesley mean by "concurring"? Precisely
what does prevenient grace enable man to do ? The freedom bestowed
by grace does not, it is true, enable man to choose God or to respond
in saving faith to God. Prevenient grace does give man a knowledge
of good and evil and, in so doing, gives also the ability to consider
his own state in the light of that knowledge. Man's "measure of
freedom" is, in reality, his conscience which functions as the possi-
bility "of knowing himself; of discerning, both in general and in
particular, his own tempers, thoughts, words, and actions," and their
conformity with good or evil.^^ Beyond the ability to consider
himself in the light of the testimonies of conscience, however, human
freedom does not go. The man who in the freedom of grace considers
his state will be led by grace to an awareness and conviction of sin,
of his need for salvation, and will be brought to despair about his
own abilities and efforts.^" In such a state of despair man may cease
to resist grace and thus, in David C. Shipley's phrase, through an
"absence of opposition" be open to God's influence in his life.^^ As
Robert E. Cushman has put it, "Despair is the neutralization of man's
perverse volition wherewith human causality ceases to resist so that
Divine causality effectually can begin to operate."'^"*
For Wesley, therefore, salvation is entirely the work of God's
grace, but not in any sense of a limited and eternal election. The
grace of God is not for the elect only, but is "free in all and free for
all",^^ preveniently at work in all men, providing knowledge of good
and evil, all initial desires for God, and a measure of freedom, all of
78. Ibid., X, p. 232 ; VII, pp. 187-188, 345.
79. Ibid., VI, p. 509.
80. Ibid., X, p. 231.
81. Ibid., VII, pp. 189-190; Cf., also, V, p. 135.
82. Ibid., V, pp. 104, 109-110.
83. David C. Shipley, "Methodist Arminianism in the Theology of John
Fletcher" (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Yale, 1942), pp. 277 ff.
84. Robert E. Cushman, "Salvation for All : Wesley and Calvinism," in
W. K. Anderson (ed.), Methodism (Nashville, Methodist Publishing House,
1947), p. 108.
85. Wesley, Works, VII, p. 373.
36
which can lead man to self-knowledge and the condition of despair of
self requisite for entire dependence on God. The emphasis on
"free grace" and its role is Wesley's answer to determinism in salva-
tion. At the same time, Wesley denies all natural free will in man,
and ascribes all good to the sovereign grace of God. Here, he says,
we come to the "very edge of Calvinism". ^^
Edwards and Wesley
If Edwards was acquainted with any of the written works of
Wesley, the evidence verifying the acquaintance has not come to
light. There are, in the available writings of Edwards, no references
or statements which provide conclusive indication that he had a
first-hand knowledge of any of the sermons or treatises published by
Wesley. It is highly probable that Edwards simply never read any
of Wesley's published works.^'^
This does not mean that Edwards had no knowledge of Wesley
and his ideas. In all the Edwardsean corpus, however, there is
only one specific reference to Wesley. In Some Thoughts, Edwards
gives a description of the life and character of one of the persons
whom he believes to be a true convert. There is in this person,
says Edwards,
A great alteration in those things that formerly used to be the person's
failings ; seeming to be much overcome and swallowed up by the late great
increase of grace to the observation of those that are most conversant and
most intimately acquainted : In times of the brightest light and highest
flights of love and joy, finding no disposition to any opinion of being now
perfectly free from sin (agreeable to the notion of the IVeslcys and their
followers, and some other high pretenders to spirituality in these days)
but exceedingly the contrary.^^
It is clear from this that Edwards at least knew about Wesley and
something of his thinking about the doctrine of perfection. Edwards
comments concerning the doctrine no doubt reflect his fear that per-
fectionism would tend to undermine the believer's awareness of his
sinful condition and therefore, also, his dependence upon the sov-
ereignty of God.
It would have been possible for Edwards to have read some of
Wesley's early statements on perfection before publishing Some
86. Ibid., VIII, p. 285.
87. Possibly the as-yet-unpublished works of Edwards — the "Miscellanies"
and "Letters" — will give further evidence on his knowledge of Wesley's work
and ideas.
88. The Works of President Edzvards, IV, p. 118 (italics mine).
Z1
Thoughts in 1742.^*^ It is more likely, however, that Edwards'
knowledge of Wesley's position came through the interpreted media-
tion of George Whitefield, rather than through first-hand reading.
In 1740, while on a preaching tour in America, Whitefield wrote
several letters to Wesley, dealing largely with matters of doctrine.
In May of that year, he expressed regret to Wesley over the rising
tide of disagreement between them concerning the doctrines of
predestination, universal redemption, perseverance, and Wesley's
teaching in regard to man's freedom not to commit sin.^** The follow-
ing September, in a letter addressed to a "Mr. A", Whitefield stated,
Sinless perfection, I think, is unattainable in this life. Shew me a man
that could ever justly say, "I am perfect." It is enough if we can say
so when we bow down our heads and give up the ghost. Indwelling
sin remains until death, even in the regenerate. . . . There is no man that
liveth and sinneth not in thought, word, and deed.^^
Whitefield was evidently much concerned with what he believed to
be Wesley's "sad errors". Within a week of the above letter, he
had sent two others to Wesley attempting in part to prove that the
doctrine of "sinless perfection" was not a scriptural doctrine.^-
Less than a month after writing these letters Whitefield spent three
days in the village of Northampton as a house-guest of Edwards,
preaching several time in the Northampton church and others in the
vicinity.^^ It seems inconceivable that Whitefield, in conversation
with Edwards, should not mention Wesley and his own intense con-
cerns about Wesley's views.
In the light of these criticisms, a word should be said about
Wesley's understanding of perfection. The 1741 sermon on "Chris-
tian Perfection" does contain Wesley's claim that, according to
Scripture, a "Christian is so far perfect, as not to commit sin,"^^
Those truly born of God are "made free" from both outward and in-
89. Wesley's sermon on "Christian Perfection" was published early in 1741,
more than a year prior to Some Thoughts. In addition, Wesley had, in 1739,
published a volume of hymns which was prefaced by a statement on the concept
of perfection. Cf., Works, XIV, pp. 323-327. Also, Wesley's An Abstract of the
Life and Death of the Reverend Learned and Pious Mr. Tho. Halyburton
(London, 1739) contained a preface in which the Christian's freedom not to sin
was affirmed. Cf., Works, XIV, pp. 211-214.
90. The Works of the Reverend George Whitefield, (London, 1771), Vol. I,
pp. 181-182.
91. Ibid., I, p. 209.
92. Ibid., I, pp. 210-212, 216-217, 219.
93. George White field's Journals, (London, The Banner of Truth Trust,
1960), pp. 475-477.
94. Wesley, Works, VI, p. 15.
38
ward sin in the sense that they are not under the necessity of com-
mitting it.^^ In the same sermon, however, he declares that no
perfection or hoHness is ever attained which "does not admit of a
continual increase".®'' There is always the need to grow in holiness
and the love of God. Wesley does not accept the term "sinless per-
fection" as an adequate description of his views, since it is clear that
some vestiges of sin do remain in the life of believers. However,
he insists that the indwelling character of sin in man does not prove
that it cannot be overcome.®'^ The point of Wesley's doctrine is that
holiness of heart and life is a vital part of Christianity. The love of
God with all one's heart and strength is the proper and ultimate con-
clusion of faith.*^** Even though man must continue throughout life
to grow in grace and love, Wesley would not say that perfection is
impossible in the course of earthly life. Through the power of grace,
it is possible in principle to attain perfect love, and for this men
should unceasingly strive. The doctrine of perfection is Wesley's
radical testimony to the sovereignty of grace.®®
Conclusion
The relationship between Wesley and Edwards was clearly indi-
rect rather than personal, depending upon intermediate sources —
literary and human. Wesley knew a great deal about the thought
and work of Edwards, and found much value in his reports and ideas
on the revival. On the other hand, Edwards, so far as we know, had
only a single response, and that negative, to Wesley. A study of the
relationship between the two men gives helpful insight into the
nature of the agreements and conflicts between Wesley and Cal-
vinism. On some doctrines, such as unconditional election, per-
serverance of the saints, and perfection, the two men were unaltera-
bly opposed. On others — the human condition, salvation by grace
alone through faith, and assurance — they were not a "hair's breadth"
apart.
95. Ibid., VI, p. 7.
96. Ibid., VI, p. 5.
97. Ibid., VI, pp. 7-8, 12; Cf., also, XIV, p. 213.
98. Ibid., V, pp. 207-208, 211-212.
99. Cf. Albert C. Outler, John IVeslcy (New York, Oxford University Press,
1964), pp. 252-253.
The Doctrines in the Discipline:
a study of the forgotten theological presuppositions of American Methodism
Frank Baker
Associate Professor of English Church History
/. The Birth of the American Methodist Church.
The hastily summoned Methodist preachers who huddled together
in a wintry Baltimore that Christmas of 1784 issued their own decla-
ration of independence. For all the thousands of miles of ocean
separating them from England they had so far followed the precedents
and accepted the oversight of Mr. Wesley. So it had been for more
than a decade. Now, apparently with Wesley's agreement, and
even on his suggestion transmitted by Dr. Thomas Coke, they made
a deliberate attempt to erect a specific organization for American
Methodism, fraternally linked with British Methodism but quite in-
dependent of its control. Now at last they had their own spiritual
leaders in Coke and Asbury — technically equal in authority, but far
from equal in the allegiance of their colleagues. (One of the
ambitious little doctor's drawbacks in the eyes of the American
preachers was that he functioned as Wesley's shadow, albeit a very
substantial shadow, and one that, like Peter Pan's, occasionally
slipped out of the control of its owner.) In 1784 the Methodist
Episcopal Church secured its own national leadership, its own power
to perpetuate a ministry, its own ecclesiastical organization, and also
took an immense step forward in creating its own ethos.
A few of the preachers doubted whether the throwing off of
parental restraints (and support) by this eager Methodist adolescent
was wise and timely. Thomas Haskins spoke for others when he
confided to his journal : "Oh, how tottering I see Methodism now !"
Their two bishops managed to hold a precarious balance on the
ecclesiastical fence without falling off, either on the one side of retain-
ing full theoretical control of American Methodism for Wesley, or
on the other of denying him any voice at all. At the very least they
insisted that the decencies should be preserved and that, having
successfully thrown Mr. Wesley to the ground, they should not kick
him. He was therefore indulged with an occasional kindly reference
but no actual power. Not until 1787 did the preachers explicitly
40
reject their 1784 agreement "in matters belonging to Church govern-
ment to obey [Wesley's] commands." Perhaps, however, this
original agreement should have been regarded rather as a courteous
gesture than as a firm commitment.
The first official document embodying the organization of the new
church used the title and followed the pattern of its British equivalent,
though with the names of Coke and Asbury replacing those of the
Wesleys. It was published in 1785 as Minutes of several conversa-
tions between the Rev. Thonms Coke, LL.D., the Rev. Francis
Asbury and others. The extent to which this depended upon Wesley's
so-called "Large Minutes" is convincingly demonstrated by the
parallel arrangement of the two documents in the appendix to Bishop
Tigert's Constitutional History of American Episcopal Methodism.
The ferment of independence was strongly at work, however, in
what was omitted, what was altered, and what was introduced, in-
cluding especially the subtitle — "composing a Form of Discipline".
The second edition appeared in 1786 as an appendix to the "Ameri-
can" edition of Wesley's Sunday Service. This also retained some
reminiscence of the British pattern, but experimented with a different
title, which retained little of Wesley's apart from the word "Minutes" :
"The General Minutes of the Conferences of the Methodist Episcopal
Church in America, forming the constitution of the said Church."
Thereafter, for the remainder of Wesley's lifetime, his example was
completely forsaken, and the following five editions of the American
Methodist preachers' ecclesiastical handbook discarded Wesley's title
for their own sub-title, being published as A Form of Discipline for
the Ministers, Preachers, and Members of the Methodist Episcopal
Church in America.
All this time the administrative discipline of American Methodism
was evolving, and echoes of Wesley in specific regulations steadily
and inevitably diminished. The one area where his influence per-
sisted was that of doctrine. Here conditions in America were not
markedly different from those in England, and indeed some of the
theological battles of the parent society were later re-enacted by her
daughter church, when the old weapons forged by Wesley proved
to have retained their cutting edge. The dependence of American
Methodism upon Wesley's theology has been both deliberately ob-
scured and strangely forgotten by succeeding generations, and only in
our own day is it once more receiving careful attention. The extent
of this dependence is somewhat difficult to trace, but one of the most
interesting clues is to be found in the history of the Discipline.
41
We have seen that the founding fathers of the Methodist Episco-
pal Church transformed Wesley's Minutes into their Discipline. At
the American Conference next but one after his death another signifi-
cant change was made in the title. Instead of A Form of Discipline
the eighth edition of 1792 introduced the title that became the
standard or model for most branches of American Methodism until
our own day : The Doctrines and Discipline of the Methodist Episco-
pal Church in America. The operative word in this change, of
course, is "doctrines". The dead founder of Methodism is rarely
mentioned in the volume, but in its doctrines, thus emphasized by
the altered title, we become aware of his dominating though unseen
influence, a ghost walking the Discipline for all succeeding genera-
tions, his teaching enshrined though his identity almost forgotten.
Even when in 1812 Wesley's theological bones were disinterred from
the Discipline and buried in a grassed-over grave exceedingly difficult
for later Methodists to discover, his spirit could not fully be exorcised.
Here, however, I suspect that my analogy is somewhat hard to
follow for those who have not shared with me the excitement of
searching out Wesley's doctrinal resting place in a mysterious publi-
cation entitled, accurately but inadequately, A Collection of Interest-
ing Tracts. I will therefore return from the realms of fantasy to the
prosaic task of the historian, endeavoring to trace the thread of
Wesley's theology through the maze of the successive issues of the
Methodist Discipline.
II. Doctrinal Sections in the Disciplines.
The Minutes of 1785 contained no formal outline of belief, but
the document did echo most of the doctrinal passages of Wesley's
"Large Minutes". Three sections in particular call for mention.
A verhatiin reprint of Wesley's statement about the rise of Method-
ism, published originally in the annual Minutes for 1765 and in-
corporated with some minor changes into the "Large Minutes" from
1770 onwards, appeared thus :
In 1729, two young men, reading the Bible, saw they could not be saved
without holiness, followed after it, and incited others so to do. In 1737 they
saw holiness comes by faith. They saw likewise, that men are justified,
before they are sanctified : but still hoHness was their point. God then
thrust them out, utterly against their will, to raise an holy people. When
Satan could no otherwise hinder this, he threw Calvinism in the way;
and then Antinomianism, which strikes directly at the root of all holiness.
42
At the very least this makes clear the double Methodist emphasis
upon evangelical theology and the pursuit of holiness, as well as
drawing attention to some of the snares waiting to entangle the
feet of unwary Protestant pilgrims who believe that salvation comes
and stays by faith alone. Certainly it offers no encouragement to
those Methodists who would banish theology from the pew and even
from the pulpit, to languish only in the rarefied atmosphere of the
seminary. The sentence about Calvinism and Antinomianism was
omitted from the Disciplines of 1787, 1788, and 1789 — presumably to
remove an additional snare from the path of the unlearned rather
than because Satan no longer wielded those weapons. In the 1790
Discipline this section was transferred to the opening address, "To
the Members of the Methodist Societies in the United States",
though it was not made clear that the American Methodist bishops
who signed that address were not in fact the authors of the statement,
but had employed the services of a ghost-writer. Not until 1796
were quotation marks added, together with a footnote which stated,
"These are the words of Messrs. Wesleys themselves." And not
until 1948 was this "historical statement" replaced by one emphasiz-
ing Wesley's Aldersgate experience.
Other unacknowledged statements from Wesley's publications,
similarly stressing points of doctrine, were carried over from the
1785 Minutes into the later Disciplines. The two most important
were deemed worthy of publication as separate sections in the volumes
of 1787 and its successors. "Of the Rise of Methodism" formed
Section I of the 1787 Discipline, "Against Antinomianism" Section
XVI, and "On Perfection" Section XXII. Of these latter doctrinal
sections the first emphasized the need for good works as at least a
condition of entering into and remaining in a state of salvation. The
second urged : "Let us strongly and explicitly exhort all believers
to go on to Perfection." Both were taken almost word for word
from Wesley's "Large Minutes" by way of the 1785 American
Minutes. Strangely enough, although these two important state-
ments formed an integral element of the official constitution of
American Methodism from 1784 until after the epochal General
Conference of 1808, their existence was completely overlooked by
the classic historians of the Discipline, Robert Emory and David
Sherman, and only partly realized in the masterly work of John J.
Tigert, who incorrectly speaks of them as having been introduced in
43
1792 and omitted before the passage of the restrictive rules by the
General Conference of 1808.^
The Discipline of 1792 re-organized the numerous small sections
of previous editions into three chapters, the third containing miscella-
neous matter, mainly doctrinal, of which the re-titled "Of Christian
Perfection" was section 4, and "Against Antinomianism" section 5.
This arrangement was continued in the Disciplines of 1797 and 1798.
To that of 1798 were added "explanatory notes" by Bishops Asbury
and Coke. Those to these particular sections were very brief: "In
respect to the doctrine of christian perfection, we must refer the reader
to Mr. Wesley's excellent treatise on that subject ;" and "The subject
of antinomianism has been so fully handled by that great writer,
Mr. Fletcher, that we need not enlarge on it, when it has been so
completely considered by him." With the removal of the section on
education in 1801 they moved up to become sections 3 and 4, and in
1804 were promoted to the head of Chapter 3, which was limited to
doctrine and liturgy.
Contrary to Bishop Tigert's statement, this matter was still re-
tained in the Discipline of 1808, when almost plenary powers were
secured for General Conferences, subject only to a handful of restric-
tive rules. The first of these ran: "The General Conference shall not
revoke, alter, or change our articles of religion, nor establish any
new standards or rules of doctrine contrary to our present existing
and established standards of doctrine." This well-meant attempt to
petrify the theological status quo left a heritage of uncertainty.
///. The Doctrinal Standards: their nature and identity.
What are these "existing and established standards" of Method-
ist doctrine, which, like the laws of the Medes and the Persians, may
not be altered? They are apparently like the common law, taken for
granted by all, yet capable of accurate and complete definition by
none, and never summarized in any authoritative document.
1. See John J. Tigert, Constitutional History of American Episcopal Method-
ism, 6th edn, 1916, p. 146. Their place and manner of appearance varied greatly,
however, so that omission and error can readily be understood. In the 1785
Minutes they appear without any titles, the discussion of antinomianism form-
ing the questions and answers of the two closing sections, 80 and 81, while
the statement on perfection forms the lengthy closing paragraph of the answer
to question 73. (See Tigert, pp. 585-6, 600-2). In 1787 their order was reversed,
"Against Antinomianism" forming section 16 and "On Perfection" section 22,
as noted above. This remained true until 1790, when each was elevated one
step, to slip back once more in 1791 through the insertion of a new section on
Band Societies.
44
At the present time the candidate for full connection in the
American Methodist ministry undergoes an examination modelled
on that given by John Wesley to his preachers. Questions 8-10 of
the nineteen asked on this occasion run thus :
(8) Have you studied the doctrines of The Methodist Church?
(9) After full examination do you believe that our doctrines are
in harmony with the Holy Scriptures ?
(10) Will you preach and maintain them?-
Similarly the British Methodist minister is challenged every year of
his ministry with this question, asked at the May Synod : "Does he
believe and preach our doctrines?" This sounds exemplary, but it
does not answer the question, "What are these doctrines which we
must believe and preach?"
The accepted practice of the American Methodist Church seems
to be to treat the Articles of Religion as "our doctrines", with a
vague suspicion that something additional is implied. The British
Methodist Church has a radically different approach, refusing to
make a credal statement, taking general orthodoxy of belief for
granted, and thinking of "our doctrines" as that something else
implied but not stated in American Methodism. What, then, is
this "something else"? Perhaps a closer look at the present posi-
tion in British Methodism, clinging so much more tenaciously
to ancient traditions, will enable us to visualize more clearly the
doctrinal standards of our Methodist forefathers in this country,
standards bequeathed to us, indeed forced upon us, by the first
restrictive rule of the 1808 General Conference, and loyally accepted
by the 1939 Uniting Conference.
The doctrinal standards of British Methodism are set out in the
Deed of Union adopted by the three uniting churches in 1932 and,
unlike everything else in that deed, may never be altered by the
Conference, though the Conference is the final authority in their in-
terpretation. This is much the same as the position of the modern
American General Conference, though the uniting Conference pro-
vided for a possible amendment of the first restrictive rule. (Disci-
pline, Pars. 9.1, 10.2.) Yet in this British Deed of Union the doc-
trines are never listed nor defined, any more than they were in any
of Wesley's legislation. They are concerned with the spirit rather
than with the letter of the law of God. It is taken for granted that
the Methodist preacher accepts "the fundamental principles of the
2. Discipline, 1964, Par. 345.
45
historic creeds and of the Protestant Reformation", and he is expected
to emphasize especially "the doctrines of the evangelical faith . . .
based upon the Divine revelation recorded in the Holy Scriptures."
Though these are never strictly defined, they are illustrated, in
Wesley's manner and from Wesley's writings : "These evangelical
doctrines to which the preachers of the Methodist Church both
ministers and laymen are pledged are contained in Wesley's Notes
on the New Testament and the first four volumes of his sermons."
The Model Deed of the British Methodist Church stipulates that no
doctrines contrary to these may be preached in any Methodist Church.
The significance of this lack of precision is thus spelled out in the
Deed of Union :
The Notes on the Nezu Testament and the Forty-Four Sermons are not
intended to impose a system of formal or speculative theology on Meth-
odist Preachers, but to set up standards of preaching and belief which
should secure loyalty to the fundamental truths of the Gospel of redemp-
tion, and secure the continued witness of the Church to the realities of the
Christian experience of salvation.
The voice is indeed Wesley's voice, though the words are those of his
followers. For this was the principle on which he tried to ensure
the loyalty of Methodism to its evangelical calling, and these were
the very documents which he legally established as exemplars of
evangelical doctrine.
Exactly this pattern was followed at first in American Methodism.
Gradually the Articles of Religion came to occupy a distinctive place
as a formal and specific doctrinal standard, and eventually were
regarded by many as the only genuine standard. As a statement of
the theological emphases of Wesley and his American colleagues,
however, the Articles are clearly defective, for where is Christian
Perfection to be found? The Methodist Protestant Church tried to
remedy this defect by a 26th Article on Sanctification, but, although
this is printed in the present Discipline, its status is left deliberately
vague, and it clearly does not have the authority of the original
twenty-five. No longer are Wesley's Notes and Sermons mentioned.
Their place in the trust clause for Methodist property is now re-
placed by a general statement that the premises are held in trust
"subject to the discipline and usage of the said church, as from time
to time authorized and declared by the General Conference." {Dis-
cipline, Par. 174) This does not in fact mean — as I hope to show —
that Wesley is not present on Methodist premises, but that he is
concealed therein, a dusty skeleton in a dark cupboard.
46
To see the early American situation fully we need to go back
behind 1784 to 1773, to the first Methodist Conference held on Ameri-
can soil. The preachers present agreed that "the doctrine and
discipline of the Methodists, as contained in the Minutes," should be
the sole rule of their conduct. In thus accepting the Minutes they
knew that they were accepting the principle that the trust deeds
of Methodist chapels should contain a clause restricting them from
preaching any other doctrines therein than those "contained in Mr.
Wesley's Notes upon the New Testament, and four volumes of
Sermons." This was made slightly more specific in the challenging
opening question of the 1781 Conference: "What Preachers are now
determined ... to preach the old Methodist doctrine, and strictly
enforce the discipline, as contained in the notes, sermons, and minutes
published by Mr. Wesley?" This same loyalty was demanded by
the Conference of April-May 1784 as an essential prerequisite before
any European preacher could be accepted into the American work.
Unfortunately the Minutes of the American conferences during
the eighteenth century are little more than statistical bones with only
an occasional shred of historical flesh clinging to them, so that they
do not enable us to reconstruct the body of this primitive church.
It is to the Disciplines that we must turn for fuller information.
Even here, however, we find the merest crumbs of theological leaven
scattered in the disciplinary lump. The Christmas Conference of
1784 asserted the virtual independence of American Methodism,
instituting indigenous episcopal government and several modifications
of Wesley's discipline. But his theology remained untouched, al-
most unmentioned. A few incidental scraps of doctrinal teaching
were retained, such as the somewhat inadequate summary (in a brief
section on pastoral duties) of "our doctrine" as "repentance toward
God, and faith in our Lord Jesus Christ". Wesley's doctrines seem
to have been regarded as almost inviolable ; the main thing was to
give attention to the discipline.
Both doctrine and discipline, however, were vulnerable. That this
was realized may be seen from the caution against elaborate building
plans for new chapels, which might give rich men undue influence —
"And then farewell to the Methodist Discipline, if not Doctrine too."^
One important casualty on the way from Wesley's Minutes to the
1785 Discipline was the stipulation about naming Wesley's Notes and
Sermons in trust deeds as the Methodist doctrinal standards. For a
time the American Methodist Conference had no explicit doctrinal
3. Tigert, op. cit., p. 592.
47
policy apart from the three doctrinal sections carried over from
Wesley, "Of the Rise of Methodism", "Against Antinomianism",
and "Of Perfection".
IV. The Doctrinal Tracts incorporated with the Discipline, 1788-1808
This deficiency was remedied by the greatly enlarged fourth
edition of the Discipline, published in 1788. The reference to the
Notes and Sermons as defining the general area of Methodist theologi-
cal emphasis was restored. This Discipline did more, however,
much more. The title-page drew attention to "some other useful
pieces annexed" — which in fact comprised two-thirds of the volume.
These five "useful pieces" illustrated characteristic Methodist teaching
from the writings of Wesley. The first addition was mainly histori-
cal and disciplinary in function — The Nature, Design, and General
Rules of the United Societies of the Methodist Episcopal Church in
America — an almost exact reprint of the Wesleys' General Rules of
1743, though their signatures are replaced by "Thomas Coke, Francis
Asbury. May 28, 1787." In 1789 this document was moved up
into the general body of disciplinary regulations, and has remained
there ever since, forming the subject of the fourth restrictive rule of
the 1808 General Conference : "They shall not revoke or change the
General Rules of the United Society."
The second tract appended in 1788 was "The Articles of Religion,
as received and taught in the Methodist Episcopal Church throughout
the United States of America." Once again this was in substance
John Wesley's work, his abridgment of the Thirty-Nine Articles of
the Anglican Book of Common Prayer into the twenty-five of the
Sunday Service of the Methodists. Once again this was incorporated
into the general body of the Discipline, though not until 1790, along
with other doctrinal tracts. Once again it was named as a in-
violable part of the Methodist constitution by the restrictive rule of
1808.
The third tract dealt with Cokesbury College and does not here
concern us. The fourth was The Scripture Doctrine of Predestina-
tion, Election, and Reprobation. By the Rev. John Wesley, M.A.^ —
an antidote against some of the dangers of Calvinism noted in the
statement on the rise of Methodism. Like the Articles, this was in-
corporated into the body of the Discipline in 1790, and was pre-
sumably part of the doctrinal standards set up in 1808 as inviolable.
4. Actually it was not Wesley's own composition but extracted by him,
probably from the work of William Wogan.
48
The same is true of the fifth tract. Once more it is Wesley, though
Wesley in disguise. His original treatise had been entitled Serious
Thoughts upon the Perseverance of the Saints, but his editors ap-
parently found it necessary for American consumption to expound
the word "perseverance" and to expunge the word "saints". The
resultant title appeared as "Serious Thoughts on the Infallible, Un-
conditional Perseverance of all that have once experienced Faith in
Christ." (They nevertheless allowed the word "saints" to stand in
the second paragraph, where Wesley defined the term.)
To the 1789 Discipline a most important addition was made,
augmenting generously the minute section on sanctification. This was
no other than that spiritual classic A Plain Account of Christian
Perfection, as believed and taught by the Rev. Mr. John Wesley,
from the year 1725 to the year 1765, which filled nearly ninety pages.
The year 1790 saw an important change of policy. All the
doctrinal tracts were included as numbered sections of the official
constitution, and to signalize the change a parenthetical phrase was
added to the title, which thus became A Form of Discipline . . . (now
comprehending the Principles and Doctrines) of the Methodist Episco-
pal Church in America. Once more an addition was made to these
tracts, though this time it was not from the pen of Wesley. It was
entitled A Treatise on the Nature and Subjects of Christian Baptism.
Extracted from a late Author. This had in fact been published in
Philadelphia two years earlier by Moses Hemmenway (1735-1811)
as A Discourse on the nature and subjects of Christian baptism.
John Dickins printed about half the contents as a separate work
of seventy-one pages in 1790, and it seems quite possible that the
perusal of Dickins' extract led to its official adoption by his colleagues
as a doctrinal standard in this insufficiently covered area.
The Discipline of 1791 continued to proclaim itself as "compre-
hending the Principles and Doctrines" of Methodism, but added
nothing farther to the doctrinal sections. In 1792 the parenthetical
sub-title became a part of the main title, and from that year to this the
volume has remained The Doctrines and Discipline of the church —
on the title page at least. This same Conference of 1792 — the first
to be claimed as a General Conference, though the term had not yet
been invented — re-arranged the material in its newly-designated
Doctrines and Discipline. The formal statement of doctrine in the
twenty-five articles was promoted to first place in Chapter I, after
the description of the origin of the church, while the lengthier
doctrinal commentary contained in the tracts was relegated to the
49
closing sections of Chapter III. A further addition was made to
these, in the shape of what we now know as the ritual, but which was
then described as "Section X. Sacramental Services, &c." For some
reason a few copies appeared without the bulky doctrinal tracts, so
that "The End" could be printed on page 72.
In their preface to the 1792 Discipline the bishops (Asbury and
Coke) differentiated between the two parts of their doctrinal stan-
dards, though insisting on the importance of both, in what amounts
to a recital of the titles of the tracts :
We wish to see this little publication in the house of every Methodist, and
the more so as it contains our plan of Collegiate and Christian education,
and the articles of religion maintained, more or less, in part or in the whole,
by every reformed church in the world. We would likewise declare our
real sentiments on the scripture doctrine of election and reprobation; on
the infallible, unconditional perseverance of all that^ ever have believed, or
ever shall; on the doctrine of Christian perfection, and, lastly, on the
nature and subjects of Christian Baptism.
Nevertheless they were not prepared to treat this supplementary
matter as sacrosanct. Early in 1797 Asbury wrote about a task
apparently entrusted to him and Coke by the 1796 General Con-
ference: "We have struck out many to us exceptional [i.e. exception-
able] parts of the tracts. These we did not hold as sacred as the
discipline, which we did not alter a word."*^
In fact, however, the bishops' bark was worse than their bite.
However vigorously they wielded the blue pencil, the published
results remained the same through subsequent editions, with the one
exception that Hemmenway's treatise on baptism was removed from
the 1797 Discipline.
The 1798 edition was unique in furnishing "explanatory notes"
by Coke and Asbury, who estimated that the discipline proper
occupied seventy pages and their notes one hundred pages, so that
even with the removal of Hemmenway's treatise and the ordination
services from the tracts the resultant volume would reach three
hundred pages.'^ In the event, however, it was decided to publish
the notes in very tiny print, and to omit the tracts from at least
this edition, so that the 1798 Discipline turned out to have slightly
fewer pages than that of 1797. Not everyone was happy about the
changes, and at the General Conference of 1800 "Brother J. Stone-
5. Ahered to "who" in 1798.
6. Journal and Letters of Francis Asbiirv (1958), III: 159.
7. Ibid.
50
man moved that the explanatory notes be left out of the next edition
of the Form of Discipline, except the notes upon the Articles of
Religion." After pondering the matter for a weekend the conference
reached a compromise: that the Discipline and the notes should be
printed separately, so that preachers could have them bound together
if they wished. In the following eleventh edition of the Discipline
(1801) the notes were accordingly omitted and the tracts restored,
and so it remained for the editions of 1804, 1805, and 1808.
V. The Doctrinal Tracts separated jrom the Discipline.
Another major change was ordered by the General Conference of
1812, its manner apparently dictated by the first restrictive rule of
the preceding General Conference of 1808. As we have seen, this
rule sought to fix for all time the "present existing and established
standards of doctrine". These clearly included the Articles, and
apparently also — though not quite so clearly — the doctrinal principles
relating to Notes and Sermons, the doctrinal sections, and the
doctrinal tracts — possibly even the Ritual. All these had been in-
corporated in the Discipline at the time of the restrictive rule. The
mass of day-to-day legislation, however, was becoming embarrassingly
large. (If only they could have seen the tightly packed little
Discipline of a century and a half later!) To continue to publish
these lengthy tracts in the Discipline was difficult, to add to them
impracticable, to do away with them henceforth illegal. The delegates
meeting May 1-22, 1812, eventually accepted a neat solution for their
dilemma, one foreshadowed and possibly suggested by the treatment
of the bishops' "explanatory notes". They would publish their
authoritative doctrinal commentary in a volume separate from their
doctrinal creed. On the very last day of the protracted Conference
Jesse Lee moved and the delegates approved this resolution: "That
the tracts on doctrine be left out of the future edition [s] of our
form of Discipline, and that the following tracts be printed and
bound in a separate volume, viz., : 'Predestination Calmly Considered',
'Scripture Doctrines on Election and Reprobation', 'On Final Per-
severance', 'A Predestinarian and his Friend', 'Christian Perfection',
and 'An Antinomian and his Friend'." In effect it might be said that
the Doctrines and Discipline was henceforth to be published in two
volumes. Vol. 1 dealing mainly with Discipline and Vol. 2 with
Doctrine.
Bishop Tigert did not seem unduly surprised to discover (as he
thought) that at least the latter half of this Conference direction had
51
been overlooked for twenty years — and the apparent neglect of the
1800 Conference's injunction to publish the bishops' explanatory
notes in a separate volume would give some color to this belief. (In-
deed I understand that even in these enlightened and efficient days it
is not unknown for a General Conference to pass resolutions which
are immediately forgotten, even by their promoters.) In this
particular instance, however, fairly prompt action was taken. The
first thing was to issue the revised fifteenth edition of the Discipline
without the tracts, and this was done that very year of 1812, followed
up by a sixteenth edition in 1813. The unwary student tracing these
volumes in a card catalogue, however, would hardly realize that
extensive cuts had been made, for the volumes retained almost exactly
the same number of pages, by the simple expedients of reducing the
size of the paper and increasing the size of the type. With these
two diminished Disciplines under his belt the Conference printer,
John C. Totten, turned to the supplementary volume, which one hopes
was eagerly awaited.
In 1814 there duly appeared the first edition of the "Doctrinal
Tracts", and subsequent editions continued to be given that designa-
tion on their leather labels, though never on their title pages. The
title remained constant (with minor variations in the second sentence)
through at least fifteen editions covering the best part of a century :
A Collection of Interesting Tracts, explaining several important points
of Scripture Doctrine. Published by order of the General Con-
ference. The preface pointed out that these tracts had been omitted
so that the quadrennial issue of the Discipline "might be small and
cheap" — an unfortunate phrase that was amended in 1825 to "that
they might still be within the reach of every reader."
This volume was almost twice the size of its companion Discipline
and contained 360 pages. The reason was that Jesse Lee's resolution
had been followed not strictly but generously, even to the end of the
second mile and beyond. In addition to the original three doctrinal
tracts added by 1789, Lee had requested and been granted three more
of Wesley's smaller publications (the dialogue between a Predesti-
narian and his friend, and the two between an Antinomian and his
friend) and another of his major works. Predestination Calmly
Considered. So now there were seven — or would have been had not
the two Antinomian tracts been forgotten — or deliberately omitted.
Already there was matter here for a volume slightly larger than the
Discipline. As if to atone for the omission with a work of supereroga-
tion, no fewer than nine other items were added, almost doubling the
52
size of the volume. Six of these were by Wesley, including his
controverted sermon on Free Grace, his satire on Toplady's predesti-
narianism entitled The Consequence Proved, and a "pinch-hitter" for
the tract on antinomianism (a word carefully avoided) with the some-
what fanciful title A Blozv at the Root, or Christ stabbed in the house
of his friends. The most considerable of the non-Wesley items was
"A Short Method with the Baptists, by Peter Edwards, several
years Pastor of a Baptist Church, at Portsea, Hants.", which filled
over thirty pages and had originally appeared in England in 1793 as
Candid Reasons for renouncing the principles of Antipaedobaptism.
(Possibly a change in title was indeed called for!)
There must have been a reasonably good sale for this volume,
because an unaltered second edition appeared in 1817. Eight years
later yet another edition was needed. This time there was a general
revision. The Methodists were still seeking an antidote to the
pernicious doctrines and annoying success of the Baptists. Hemmen-
way's Discourse had been discarded. Now Edwards' Short Method
was shed. Maybe Mr. Wesley could do as well ; at least they would
give him a try. And so the preface announced : "In the present
edition some new Tracts are added, and Mr. Wesley's short Treatise
on Baptism is substituted in the place of the extract from Mr.
Edwards on that subject." As always, the preface was unsigned,
though it was dated, "New-York, October 5th 1825." This volume
was remarkable for the fact that each of the thirteen tracts was
presented as a distinct entity, its pages numbered and its gatherings
printed separately from its companions, though the gatherings were
signed consecutively— with figures instead of with letters. Probably
many of the items were in fact sold separately. This was certainly
true of the last, Wesley's Plain Account of Christian Perfection,
which was described on the title page as "Tract No. XXXVI of the
New-York Methodist Tract Society." Any surplus pages at the
ends of the tracts were filled with appropriate (though little-known)
poems by Charles Wesley, or with additional prose material. Even
more was added to Wesley's Treatise on Baptism (which was in
fact mainly the work of his father) ; this was supplemented by another
tract, an extract from William Wall's History of Infant Baptism,
which Wesley had published in 1751 under the title of Thoughts on
Infant Baptism, together with "Remarks on Infant Baptism, by H. S.
Boyd, Esq." (an English patristic scholar).
The demand for these doctrinal tracts continued, and in 1831 this
same collection appeared in consolidated form, the gap-filling Charles
53
Wesley hymns omitted, and the other material printed consecutively
on 388 pages. Strangely enough even the 1825 preface is reproduced
exactly as in the original, complete with the earlier date and the
statement that "two editions have been published and sold" — a
statement which now contained the truth, but not the whole truth.
The following year the lasting need for such a collection was
recognized by the provision of a stereotyped edition. This followed
the somewhat condensed pattern of 1831, still more compressed into
378 pages. The editor deserves a hearty pat on the back for at last
restoring the original title of Wesley's Serious Thoughts upon the
Perseverance of the Saints. The preface was almost unchanged ex-
cept for the re-writing of two sentences, one about the two former
editions, the other about "several new tracts" (a phrase replaced by
"some new tracts") and the alteration of the date to "New- York,
July 5, 1832." Indeed this change of date is the only evidence we
so far possess that an 1832 edition was in fact published, no copy of
the volume itself having been discovered. This preface appears in a
reprint, presumably from the stereotypes, after a title-page dated 1834.
Copies are also known dated 1836, 1847, 1850, 1854, and 1856, and
one undated.
In 1861 the volume was once more revised, and the new preface
closed somewhat optimistically : "We hope the circulation of the book
will be extended until the errors it so ably explodes shall be fully
banished from the Church. The Publishers. New York, January 1,
1861." This revision included a caustic defense of Wesley against an
attack by a Presbyterian who had been misled by a misprint and his
own ignorance. The main alteration, however, was once more
in the area of infant baptism. Even Mr. Wesley had not won the
day, and he in his turn was dismissed for an anonymous modern
writer, apparently a Methodist, who cited not only a liberal Calvinist
like Dr. Leonard Woods of Andover, but also long-discarded Peter
Edwards. There were at least two reprints of this revised edition,
one in the 1870's and another about 1892.
VI. The Disappearance of the Doctrinal Tracts.
In the face of at least fifteen editions of the Collection of Interest-
ing Tracts it is somewhat amazing that Bishop Tigert, writing his
Constitutional History of American Episcopal Methodism in 1894,
had never seen a copy, and in his revised issue of 1904 expressed
surprise at meeting with even one edition. This contained the 1832
preface, from which he incorrectly deduced that the book agents had
54
waited twenty years to carry out the Conference injunction — a some-
what excessive delay even in those unenHghtened days. He decided to
supply the supposed lack of early initiative by himself issuing the
original tracts in two small volumes of what he could then describe as
the "well-known series of 'Little Books on Doctrine' ", entitling the
volumes The Doctrines of the Methodist Episcopal Church in
America. In spite of his confident optimism, this work also is now
so extremely rare that I have not so far been able to find a copy.
Maybe Methodism needs still another Bishop Tigert to reawaken
us to our lost heritage. Our own generation is at length realizing
that the methods of Methodism are far from being her only glory, that
the Discipline as it stands at present has more affinities with Leviticus
than with Luke, and that the real secret of an elifective Methodism
is spiritual and theological. Perhaps we need once more to study our
evangelical foundations, so much taken for granted that they have
too often been neglected. As we do this we should surely realize that
John Wesley's gospel as well as his creed, not only in its spirit but
in its literary expression, long remained and apparently still remains
an integral though forgotten element in the "present existing and
established standards of doctrine" which form an essential legal part
of the constitution of the Methodist Church in America. True,
"present existing" might at first glance seem to refer to 1939, or
1964, or 1966. In fact, however, it is the most recent successor of an
unbroken line of exact quotations, all General Conferences having
vowed to maintain the "present existing" standards of the predeces-
sors, and thus in effect having vowed to maintain the doctrinal
standards existing in 1808. In theory at least Methodist theolog)'
did not change its eighteenth-century oil-lamps for gaslight in the
mid-nineteenth century, nor for electricity in the twentieth ; like the
Olympic runners, through the quadrenniums it has handed on the
torch kindled at John Wesley's warmed heart. Nor need this cause
us disgust — or even distress. Methods may change, but the message
of God's eternal saving love in Jesus Christ is the same yesterday, to-
day, and forever.
[Acknotvledgments: I wish to record my indebtedness to the
librarians of the following libraries, who made it possible for me
to have access to their treasures, including the editions of the
Collection of Interesting Tracts listed : American Antiquarian Society
(1814, 1817); Library of Congress (1814, c.1856-60 [Carlton &
Porter J, c.1872-80 [Nelson & Phillips]); Bangor Theological
Seminary (1825): DePauw University (1836, 1856, c.1856-60
55
[Carlton & Porter]); Drew University (1814, 1817, 1831, 1836);
Duke University (1814, 1817, 1825); Emory University (1814,
1817, 1825); Garrett Theological Seminary (1817, 1861); Method-
ist Publishing House, Nashville (1817, 1836, 1850, 1856, c.1892
[Hunt & Eaton, etc.]); Methodist Theological School in Ohio
(1847); Southern Methodist University (1814, 1834, 1850, 1854);
Syracuse Univerity (1825) ; Pittsburgh-Xenia Theological Seminary
(1847) ; Vanderbilt University (1814, 1850).]
Frank Mason North:
Ecumenical Statesman
Creighton Lacy
Professor of World Christianity
At the bicentennial of American Methodism church leaders of
today will be paying bountiful tribute to the "founding fathers".
But if one were asked to name outstanding Methodists in the "middle
century"- — say, 1816-1916 — who would come to the fore? Melville
Cox, the first foreign missionary ; Wilbur Fisk of Wesleyan Uni-
versity ; John R. Mott as a twentieth-century layman ? What
bishops, even, would be remembered apart from their episcopal
office: Matthew Simpson, friend of Lincoln; McCabe, Mouzon,
William Taylor?
Probably few Methodists would nominate Frank Mason North — or
even recognize his name. Yet when he died in 1935, he was one of
only two living poets to have three hymns in The Methodist Hymnal:
"O Master of the Waking World" (#480), "The World's Astir!"
(#562) and "Where Cross the Crowded Ways of Life" (#465). Yet
the third of these, written in 1903, may well have been sung by more
Christians in more languages than any other hymn of the twentieth
century. Frank Mason North, however, deserves a lasting place in
the history of American Methodism, not for his hymns alone, but as
an active spokesman for the Social Gospel, as a far-sighted mission
administrator, and as a pioneer in the ecumenical movement.
Born in exactly mid-century, 1850, North was in many respects a
typical Victorian clergyman. After graduating from Wesleyan Univer-
sity, he worked for less than a year in his father's business before
deciding — in defiance of medical advice — that he must be about his
Heavenly Father's business. For nearly twenty years he served
pastorates in New York and its suburbs and finally in Middletown,
Connecticut. In those days a classical education sufficed for formal
theological training, and the scope of his early sermons bears witness
to the breadth and depth of his reading and culture.
57
In the realm of personal ethics, this generation would consider
North hopelessly "square". He knew that "pasteboards" with red and
black symbols are not sinful in themselves, but he believed that card-
playing led to many forms of evil. Convinced that most playwrights
and actors lead immoral lives, he regarded the theater as a center of
corruption. Dancing he referred to as "midnight gymnastics" or
"agility at the expense of intellect". Attributing a large proportion of
poverty and crime to Hquor, he declared that major responsibility
for drunkenness in society rests on those who themselves never get
drunk, but "every drop that goes into the system drives just that much
true manhood out." His favorite sermon text in this area seemed to
be : "If meat make my brother to offend, I will eat no flesh ... ;" his
favorite illustration, a mountaineer whose skillful leaps across danger-
ous chasms tempt others into fatal attempts at imitation. In the
search for a "new morality" such an ethical criterion deserves more
attention than it receives today.
Frank Mason North was not a systematic theologian. In fact, he
had conscious and conscientious reasons for avoiding dogmatic contro-
versy. First, that beyond the simple faith in Christ which is basic
to salvation, God's ways are mysteries which man cannot presume to
fathom. Second, that freedom of thought and responsibility of action
are essential to true religion. Third, that theological speculation and
debate may divert Christians from their central purpose of active
service and neighbor love.
Nevertheless the basic tenet of North's belief was man's partner-
ship with God. In sharp distinction to Calvin's doctrine of election, he
affirmed his Wesleyan Arminian conviction that salvation is condi-
tional upon the believer's response and responsibility as a free moral
agent. God calls, but He does not coerce. Essential for true disciple-
ship, he insisted, was the freedom to choose or to reject, to give or to
get, to follow or to disobey. For Frank Mason North, Jesus could
never be merely historical or merely an ideal. "We need to feel that
Christ is this morning an actual being — a personality as truly as you
and I are, that he thinks, feels, perceives." ( 1878)
Refuting many a critic of the Social Gospel, this abiding conscious-
ness of a personal Christ runs throughout North's words and works.
Salvation by faith, he declared at the end of his first year of preaching,
involves not education, intellect or wealth ; not sacraments or ec-
clesiastical organization ; not ritualism or moralism or intellectualism
or aestheticism ; not even "union with the Church" or "well-regulated
58
life". It consists of personal union with Christ. When he insisted
that salvation was entirely dependent on Christ, he meant necessarily
but not solely. He meant that Christ's role was essential but not auto-
matic. Each individual has his responsibility for accepting and follow-
ing the Master. In fact, North once asserted flatly: "He could not
save us without our consent, but He could die for us and by that death
prove to us the Father's love." (1875)
Yet man's stubbornness, denial or rejection cannot change the
reality of God and His love. To the "death of God" theologians North
would probably say, as he did in 1879: "Walk if you choose in your
own shadow. Hide yourselves — you cannot hide the Sun. Burrow
into your rocky caves — the Sun is no less shining. Hurry into your
idol temples and peer through the stained windows of your super-
stition— and yet — the Sun is risen." Though North believed firmly
in justification by faith, he was equally convinced that faith without
works is dead. "Conversions which still leave men liars, cheats,
covetous, worldly-minded are not counted in the Kingdom of God,"
he wrote. -^
In his pastoral ministry, as at every stage of his varied career.
North took positions and revealed insights far ahead of his time.
During the last quarter of the nineteenth century, when evolution and
biblical criticism were shocking many segments of the Church, Frank
Mason North accepted both calmly and fitted them easily into his
pattern of faith. Of the English Revised Version (1881-1885) he as-
sured his congregation :
No great doctrine has been touched — nothing in any way essential to
Salvation has been left out — the Bible as it has entered into the hearts of
the masses for these centuries is the same Bible. . . . The scheme of salva-
tion is untouched by the latest criticism. ... [It should be received as]
not a new Bible nor a rival of the old [but as] an incentive to study . . .
[and a] testimony to the power of God to preserve His truth. . . .
In the progressive outlook of Frank Mason North there was never
a conflict between science and religion — not between true science and
true religion. "Science is good," he affinned at the very outset of his
ministry, "when used to illustrate the truth of revelation." (1873)
What did offend the young cleric was any attempt to displace religion
by science. Though often ridiculing those who feared and avoided
scientific hypotheses, he maintained that science could explain the how
of nature but not the why, the laws but not the cause. Whatever
1. The Christian City, Vol. XI, No. 9 (September, 1899), p. 146.
59
future scientific research might reveal, he was sublimely confident that
it need not and would not jeopardize Christian truth. "Philosophy
can hew no tomb which can hold the Son of God," he declared;
"Science can roll no stone against the sepulchre large enough to keep
Him prisoner." (1879)
The most striking impression to emerge from a perusal of
literally hundreds of North's sermon notes and manuscripts is this : one
of the greatest exponents of the Social Gospel in the early twentieth
century seldom if ever made direct social applications in his early
preaching. Furthermore, in his wide-ranging use of biblical texts (all
but four New Testament books and fourteen in the Old Testament)
the prophets were largely neglected. Yet, though he made little
mention at that time of a social or evangelistic mission for the Church,
the young preacher was not unmindful of it. "The Church must be 'in
the world' — and the world shall hate it — but not overcome it," he
warned in 1878.
Reviewing Systematic Theology: A Complete Body of Wesley an
Arminian Divinity by Thomas O. Summers of Vanderbilt, Frank
Mason North disagreed with many of the professor's stands, including
rejection of evolution. But he proclaimed his hearty overall acceptance
of—
a scheme of theology . . . originating as a distinct system in the views of
Arminius upon human freedom and the doctrines of grace . . . rebuking,
modifying, and at times conquering the prevalent ultra-Calvinism. Its
strong appeal to the tribunal of human consciousness against the meta-
physical subtleties which damned men by logic whom God would save by
mercy, won ... a large support from the class of thinkers who . . .
were beginning to throw off the chains of scholasticism. ... It was in
Wesleyanism that Arminianism became practical, vital, regnant; and the
living energy of Methodism ... is at once a magnificent protest against
metaphysical misinterpretation of the divine character, and a mighty
demonstration of the Scriptural integrity of its own Arminian creed. ^
II
For two decades in middle life, Frank Mason North not only
articulated the "Social Gospel" in poetry and prose ; he put it into
daily practice. In 1892 he became Secretary of the New York City
Church Extension and Missionary Society. This agency existed —
and still exists — to initiate, supervise and coordinate numerous
"inner-city" projects of Methodism in the great metropolis. The
2. "Wesleyan Arminian Divinity" ("By An Arminian Divine"), Christian
Union, May 9, 1889.
60
famous Church of All Nations was founded during this period, and
separate congregations were organized for most of the diverse ethnic
or linguistic immigrant groups : Germans, Italians, Poles, Russians,
Chinese, Japanese. Problems of crime and vice, of political corruption
and economic exploitation, multiplied rapidly as commerce and urbani-
zation accelerated. (In 1904, in his house organ. The Christian City,
North speculated about the probable effects of the new subway which
could transport passengers from 125th Street to Brooklyn Bridge in
twenty to twenty-five minutes. He did not envision the chaos created
when it might cease to transport its millions of passengers !)
"In haunts of wretchedness and need," across "shadowed thres-
holds dark with fears" and grief and greed, Frank Mason North
walked the city streets, a tall, dignified man with a Prince Albert
coat — and a heart of compassion as large as the parish he served.
Through his editorial columns in half a dozen church magazines, from
the platforms of Carnegie Hall or Union Square, in countless pulpits,
North pled for a recognition of Christian responsibility amid urban
needs. As early as 1892, fifteen years before Walter Rauschenbusch
published his first influential book, Frank Mason North deplored the
fact that "there are people who do not perceive that God is at work
in the secular world as truly as he is in the religious." Is the Christian,
he asked repeatedly, "to rejoice in the growing light of the suburbs
while the shadows deepen and lengthen upon the heart of the city?"
(No wonder it has been said that Harvey Cox's concern for the secular
city is merely a return to the insights and the sensitivity of the early
Social Gospel.)
As a senior in college North had composed an essay on Socialism
which deplored its atheism, its license, its conformity, its impersonal
system that "makes society a machine, man a cipher, God a bungler !"
But he recognized, too, "a germ of truth which . . . threatens to
revolutionize . . . the world ... to break down the barriers of caste, to
secure for all men equal and political rights." In 1891, however, he
published in Zion's Herald, a Methodist periodical, one of the most
important writings in the entire Social Gospel movement, a series of
four articles on Socialism and Christianity.^ Pointing to a number of
parallels between these two faiths. North acknowledged the dangers
and limitations of Socialism, restricted by its concern for one world
instead of two. But he insisted that its best ideals were those of true
Christianity, that the Giurch was guilty of propagating the "funda-
3. Zion's Herald, Vol. LXIX, Nos. 2-5 (January 14-Fehruary 4, 1891).
61
mental misconception" that the Gospel is "a divine contrivance for
redeeming men from this present world rather than in it," and the
half-truth "that Christ came to rescue the individual, not to reform
society."
With his transfer to New York, Frank Mason North became the
supreme example of "the city missionary". Yet his was no shallow
humanitarianism. "This man with a mission to the cities must be
evangelical in faith and evangelical in method," North wrote ; "he will
be a gospel-man in what he believes and in what he does."* But he
must also "be awake to the progress of social and economic ideas.
. . .He needs to see humanity in the mass as well as the individual in
the masses."
He stands in some dark, fetid court . . . reeking with the filth and im-
morality of human degradation and he is bound to scrutinize that precious
idol of the economist — the right of private property. He kneels at the bed-
side of the dying child, who lies scorching with scarlet fever or choking
with diphtheria, and with his very prayer mingles indignant protest against
the neglect of sanitary science by landlord and municipality. He traces
everywhere the relation of the corner liquor saloon, protected by law, to
the vice of the brothel and the squalor of homes. . . . He deals with work-
ing men. He is familiar with the red flag. ... It is through his heart,
warm with the divine love, and his mind, intelligent with the wisdom which
is from above, that the world must gain the knowledge requisite for the
solution of the mighty problems which confront its progress. . . .
Out of such scenes of misery and despair came North's masterpiece
of hymnody. He never lost faith that the Gospel of Jesus Christ, incar-
nate in human beings, could overcome these social sins. He never lost
faith that the Church has a vital obligation to serve as Christ's instru-
ment in the world. "Methodism must reach both ways," he insisted ;
"she must touch God on one hand and on the other the people. Nay,
the figure is false. God is with the people, and Methodism can find
each only by seeking the other." How contemporary that sounds!
How slow we have been to recognize that truth !
The Church of Christ — of Christ who went about doing good — must walk
about the streets, and go down upon the East side, and enter into poverty's
home, and chat with the working man over his hardships, or enter into his
aspirations for a better job; it must help the bright boy to an education and
the bad boy to escape from his surroundings ; it must, by a membership
vital with the divine life, establish relations of sympathy and helpfulness, in
4. Central Christian Advocate, January 4, 1893.
62
all possible ways, with the individuals in tlie dense mass of humanity which,
like an impenetrable wall, confronts it. . . . It must wipe out the fine distinc-
tion between iniquity and in-equity.^
Fifteen years later Frank Mason North joined with half a dozen
younger colleagues to organize the Methodist Federation for Social
Service, an agency which more recently has drawn controversial at-
tack, but which initially earned the overwhelming though unofficial
support of the Methodist Episcopal Church. The following year, 1908,
members of the Federation (including North, Herbert Welch, and —
most actively — Harry F. Ward) composed the ten-point bill of rights
for labor which was adopted by the Methodist General Conference as
its Social Creed. Six months later Frank Mason North took this state-
ment, incorporated it into a stirring theological treatise on Christian
social responsibiHty, and presented it to the first meeting of the Federal
Council of Churches as a report on "The Churches and Modern
Industry". There North's larger formulation, officially adopted, be-
came "The Social Creed of the Churches", a milestone in American
Christianity.
What distinguishes the Social Creed — in spite of later distortions
by friends and critics alike — is the unequivocal affirmation of "the
supreme authority of Jesus Christ . . . not merely to reform society but
to save it." As the Preamble asserts : "The Church becomes worthless
for its higher purpose when it deals with conditions and forgets char-
acter, relieves misery and ignores sin, pleads for justice and under-
values forgiveness." But the reason for this concern North made
abundantly clear : it is rooted in the nature and purpose of the Gospel
itself. "The Church does not lay the foundations of a social order," he
declared ; "it discloses them. They are already laid. . . . Nothing that
concerns human life can be alien to the Church of Christ."
Thus for twenty years Frank Mason North moved among the
penniless immigrants and the wealthy philanthropists of New York
City. By his challenge to Christian justice and compassion, by his
personal character and commitment, he not only attracted large
donations for the work of the City Society, but he persuaded promi-
nent citizens to visit the rescue missions, to kneel in prayer among so-
called "Bowery bums", to talk with union leaders and Tammany poli-
ticians. "No organization or order of men on the face of the earth,"
5. "The Gospel for the City ; Larger Ideals as well as New Methods," ad-
dress to the first session of the National City Evangelization Union, November
17, 1892.
63
he believed, "must be permitted to usurp the place of the Church of
the Christ as the champion of human rights."^
Ill
After exactly two decades in the City Society, North was elected
by the General Conference of 1912 as one of three Corresponding
Secretaries in the Board of Foreign Missions. To this new appoint-
ment he brought a firm faith in the missionary enterprise and an
unusual administrative talent. To supplement these with first-hand
knowledge of the overseas mission program he set out in 1914 on a
tour of the Asian field which took him on around the world. Though
his original sailing from San Francisco was delayed and his later
itinerary disrupted by the outbreak of war in Europe, he completed an
arduous trip and vastly strengthened not only his own understanding
of the world mission of the church, but also sympathetic trust between
the missionaries and the home office.
Frank Mason North's pioneer vision shone as brightly through
his missionary administration as it had in the inner city, though he was
already in his sixties. His belief in Christian responsibility for world
service and evangelism rested again on his Wesleyan theology. "Men
should be the instruments for saving men," he declared ; in fact, man is
"the sole medium by which the Gospel can come to the unsaved
humanity." (1882) In language which strikingly anticipates present-
day mission theology, he asserted in a youthful sermon back in 1881 :
"The Church is a Mission" — a far more dynamic concept than simply
that the Church has a mission. Furthermore, North regarded this mis-
sion as an essential element in any genuine religious experience.
"The call to tell the Glad Tidings," he said, "is as surely a part of
personal salvation as is the forgiveness of sins." (1889) As Jonah
discovered long, long ago, the summons to mission is inescapable ; the
only question a faithful Christian need consider is where ? or how ?
Even more remarkable, North's concern for the mission of the
church was not based on any narrow nineteenth-century pietism. His
entire life and thought found its purpose and power in a personal
experience of Jesus Christ. But this was an eternal and living Christ,
as relevant to the present and the future as to the past. Thus, signif-
icantly, Frank Mason North confronted the world mission of the
church from a new theological frontier in his attitude toward non-
6. "City Missions and Social Problems," Methodist Review, Vol. LXXV,
No. 2 (March-April, 1893), pp. 237-238.
64
Christian religions. Most nineteenth-century missionaries had re-
sponded to Christ's call with the clear conviction that all those individ-
uals— of every nation, race and creed — who did not consciously and
openly accept the Christian faith (presumably expressed in baptism
and church membership) were doomed to eternal punishment. Even
today, those who try to fathom the mysteries of salvation are often
perplexed by the seeming contradiction between inclusive love and ex-
clusive judgment in the Gospel.
North did not presume to offer logical answers, but he did have
clear theological convictions. One of these, in regard to non-
Christians, was that "God will not condemn them because they do not
believe in truths they have never heard." Expressing the hope that
"such exceptions need not be made in a Christian land," he neverthe-
less took the still more radical position that "I care not whether they
are in the church or not. . . . God requires of us only according to our
light." In other words, the conditions for Christian salvation are
always a conjunction of opportunity and responsibility. Incidentally,
in this connection. North did not hesitate to link with the "poor,
degraded heathens" the "man of prejudiced habits of thought and life",
both standing equally in need of redeeming grace.
The mission of the church, therefore, is not to take Christ to the
man of superstition, whether the superstition be rooted in ignorance
or bigotry, for Christ is already there, already Lord of all nations and
all cultures. The missionary is called to witness, in deed as well as
word, to that Christian presence in the world. To take this modem
theology of mission one step further, one might say the Christian is
called to he that presence of Christ, that love made manifest, in
Chinatown, in South African ghettoes, or among Hindu burning ghats.
(North would have rejoiced, as others did, at the news that the choir
of Christ Methodist Church in New Delhi sang Christian hymns while
the body of Prime Minister Shastri lay in state early in January. This
was a unique but meaningful kind of Christian presence.)
Far back in his pastoral ministry Frank Mason North had ex-
pressed progressive mission attitudes and policies which have only
very slowly been accepted and implemented. For example —
The sooner we escape from the artificial sentiment which reckons other
lands, as it formerly regarded remote parts of our own, as missionary
territory to which embassies are to be sent, and recognize them as part of
the commonwealth of the world, for which we bear a given responsibility
no different in kind from that which rests upon us for our own nation, the
65
more rapid will be the mobilization of the forces which are to conquer the
world for ChristJ
Or again, long before North assumed administrative responsibility for
the foreign mission program of the church, he recognized that true
evangelism includes far more than proclamation. "The belief in the
Divinity of our Lord is no more distinctly an essential element in the
fundamental concept of the Christian church than is the spirit of
ministration," he declared in extreme but confident language. He
went on to explain this "new concept" of mission in graphic terms :
Men who have begun with no conscious call save to declare the holiness
of the Lord have found themselves intensely occupied ere long with build-
ing up a highway, bridging streams, leveling mountains, draining morasses,
gathering out the stone. John Wesley, starting as an evangelist, soon
became a promoter of education and a philanthropist. . . . General Booth
. . . inaugurated an army of invasion and very quickly found it necessary
to establish also an army of occupation. . . . The picture of a man with
the Bible standing on a sandy shore beneath a solitary palm tree, preaching
to a little group of unclothed savages, has given place to photographs of
groups of children from orphanages and schools, and of medical mis-
sionaries in their dispensaries, and of colleges, hospitals, and havens of
refuge.^
It may not be inappropriate for this professor of missions to add that
North was equally concerned with the centrality of mission in the life
of the Qiurch. Speaking for nine professors from eight seminaries of
five denominations, he wrote in 1897 :
We are of the opinion that some earnest efforts should be made to secure
more time on the seminary curricula for instruction in the whole subject
of missions; that its Biblical, historical, philosophical, practical and per-
sonal aspects should be carefully and extensively set before seminary
students, to the end that their affections may be roused and that their minds
may be educated to broad and thorough knowledge of the missionary spirit
of Christianity and of the development of missions in the past and the
present claim of missions upon the ministry and upon all the churches of
our Lord.^
"The work of the Gospel is one," North told his parishioners as early
as 1881, "whether at our doors or at the Antipodes. ... It is not more
true that Missions need us than that we need Missions."
7. "Comments on Dr. Leonard's Proposed New Departure" (undated
memorandum) ; Dr. A. B. Leonard, father of Bishop Leonard, was North's
predecessor in the Board of Foreign Missions at the start of this century.
8. "The New Era of Church Work in the City of New York," The Christian
City, Vol. IX, No. 1 (January, 1897), pp. 1-2.
9. Editorial Notes, The Christian City, Vol. IX, No. 7 (July, 1897), p. 205.
66
IV
Still another arena for Frank Mason North's statesmanship was
the ecumenical movement. As early as the eighteen-nineties he had
been active in interdenominational federations. With such noted
churchmen as Washington Gladden and Josiah Strong, he was one of
the founders in 1894 of the Open and Institutional Church League.
The "open" referred to their effort to abolish the pew rent system as
inefficient, undemocratic and un-Christian. The "institutional" indi-
cated an attempt to utilize church buildings during the week for
social, recreational and educational programs of many kinds. Out of
this league and other local and national federations came the planning
for a Federal Council of the Churches of Christ in America, inaugu-
rated in 1908, the forerunner of the present National Council of
Churches. As North put it in one of his Council reports :
We waive no right or privilege, we break with no sound tradition, we sur-
render no precious heritage, but . . . tlie Church has but one inalienable
right, the right of finding Christ in the world of today and interpreting
Him in all His sacrificial and triumphant power to that world. ... It is
not in their history, their traditions, their formulae that the churches of
Christ can be one; it is alone in the Christ Himself.
During the first quadrennium of the council, Frank Mason North
served as chairman of the Commission on the Churches and Social
Service, under Bishop Eugene R. Hendrix of the Methodist Episcopal
Church, South, the first Council President. From 1912 to 1916 North
was Qiairman of the Executive Committee, and in December, 1916,
as the war clouds spread from Europe to the United States, he was
elected President of the Council for a crucial four-year term. Although
the churches rallied more enthusiastically around the war effort in
1917 than they have in later years, North's was always a voice of
restraint, of sympathy for the foe, of hope for world brotherhood and
world organization beyond the horrors of war.
The church press — especially the Methodists — hailed North's elec-
tion jubilantly. The Central Christian Advocate editoralized : "When
the diplomats meet to decide the issues of the war, in particular when
they are debating how to abolish war, then must the voice of the
Christianity of this nation be heard. Who shall speak that word?
There is no adequate voice but this Federal Council of the Churches.
Who must vocalize that council? The president thereof."^" And the
10. Central Christian Advocate, December 20, 1916.
67
Christian Advocate (of New York) claimed, with perhaps unseemly
pride: "Methodism does a real service to the Federal Council of
Churches in providing it with a president for this quadrennium. , , ,We
may fairly congratulate ourselves that Methodism possessed the one
man who could best serve all the churches. "^^
Attacks on the churches and their councils for social pronounce-
ments are not new. Contrary to some prevailing opinion, they cannot
be blamed on modern times or contemporary personnel. Frank Mason
North faced the same sort of vehement protests, and one major
denomination threatened to withdraw from the Federal Council at
its 1916 meeting on the ground that speaking for the churches even
on peace and prohibition was an "improper encroachment upon the
sphere of the State".-^^ In an interview soon after his election, North
made his personal and presidential position unequivocal :
There are two perils in this kind of work. One is that the more conserva-
tive church members, and the more conservative churches, may think we
are going outside our proper realm, if we take any action bearing on
legislation. And you cannot go very far in industrial work without getting
into questions of legislation. . . . The other danger is that the more
extreme of the labor leaders will say, 'Why don't the churches do some-
thing, instead of always talking?' I have always taken the ground that the
church has a right, at least, to give active support to legislation that
plainly comes within the Decalogue. . . .^^
Still more bluntly North had written in 1898 : "It is neither socialism
nor paternalism for the Christian body to demand of government just
provision for the physical and social welfare of the people whom, in
God's name, it governs."^'*
Within a month after America's declaration of war in 1917, the
Federal Council of Churches called a special meeting in Washington,
with John R. Mott, Robert E. Speer, and Henry Churchill King
among the principal speakers. In his Presidential Address North
declared : "I believe the greatest need of the great American Church
today is a realization of the immediate, constant, indwelling presence
and power of the personal Christ." The Council's message on "The
Duty of the Church in this Hour of National Need" affirmed : "We
enter the war without haste or passion, not for private or national
11. Christian Advocate, December 14, 1916.
12. The Presbyterian (Richmond), December 27, 1916.
13. Interview by Carlos Hurd (undated clipping, 1916 or early 1917).
U.The Christian City, Vol. X, No. 10 (October, 1898), p. 650.
68
gain, with no hatred or bitterness against those with whom we con-
tend."i5
Very shortly after the Armistice, Frank Mason North journeyed to
Europe on a multiple mission : to survey opportunities for expanded
Methodist work, especially in France ; to inspire and coordinate relief
and rehabilitation programs; and to deliver to the Versailles Peace
Conference the Federal Council of Churches' appeal for a League of
Free Nations as "the political expression of the Kingdom of God on
earth". So generously did Christians in America respond to relief
needs in devastated Europe that Herbert Hoover as administrator sent
an official letter of gratitude, and North and his General Secretary,
Charles S. Macfarland, were awarded high national honors by France
and Greece. In all the practical details of war-time responsibility.
North kept constantly in mind the ecumenical dream, the underlying
questions —
whether the inheritance of the splendid but narrow conscience of our
fathers necessarily creates for us a proper barrier between ourselves and
Christians of another name; whether, after all, the essentials in which we
are all one, if they are really set on fire, may not burn the barriers away
and give us a common life in the fellowship of our Lord Jesus Christ. ^^
Two days before his seventieth birthday Frank Mason North
turned over the presidency of the Federal Council of Churches to
another ecumenical statesman, Robert E. Speer. In his valedictory
North rejected "the lure of the reminiscence" in these words: "The
backward glance belongs to leisure, not to action . . . better the mood of
the starting post than that of the goal. These have been years of
experiment and discipline — now for the race." But he went on to list
four outstanding assets of the Federal Council as he had found them
in twelve years of intimate association :
(1) a high estimate of personality, in which oneness of faith and
logic of action overcome most differences ;
(2) a self-testing by three sins of mind and will which Christ
condemned: intolerance (aggressive or indifferent), intellectual pride
(or Pharisaism), covetousness (grasp of power) ;
(3) values of denominational life recognized, not denied or
ignored ;
(4) the essential oneness of the churches affirmed in the charter,
15. Charles S. Macfarland, Christian Unity in the Making (New York:
Federal Council of Churches, 1948), pp. 124-128.
16. Manuscript of an address delivered on February 22, 1918.
69
yet acknowledging that "it [the Council] has received no mandate
from its constituents to promote organic union or a common creedal
statement."
"The good of all must come not by the negation but by the affirma-
tion of the values of each," he declared in an aphorism as appropriate
for the ecumenical movement today. -^^
V
For four years more North continued to direct the Methodist
Board of Foreign Missions, and retained an advisory capacity still
longer. In the last decade, before his death in 1935, he taught mis-
sions at Drew University (which his father had helped to found),
began a history of Methodist missions, ^^ and continued to serve
actively on various boards and agencies. In his eighty-third year he
presented to the Federal Council a revised Social Creed. This com-
mittee report included among progressive new provisions, just prior
to Franklin Roosevelt's New Deal : freedom to dispense birth control
information, recognition of broader grounds for divorce, "wider and
fairer distribution of wealth", social insurance, and "social control of
the economic process".
Although he seldom used the term "Social Gospel", Frank Mason
North was unquestionably Methodism's greatest spokesman for that
period and that outlook. Although he shared the humanitarian con-
cern and the progressive optimism of that day, he never deserved the
caricatures of the Social Gospel which have often been drawn. His
personal faith and his concept of the Church's task were always
Christocentric, as earlier quotations have indicated. In one of his
most powerful addresses he declared that the mission of Jesus was not
"the satisfaction of the outraged justice of God," not "to select from
humanity some chosen spirits [for] a new commonwealth of the skies,"
not to "upbuild upon the earth an institution to conserve his truth" —
but "a mission to humanity ... to establish a Kingdom of God, that is,
the reign of God in human hearts and so in human life and institu-
tions." If that is the true meaning of salvation, it is even more the
Christian mission in the world.
To this mission Frank Mason North gave himself through a long
lifetime : in his pastoral ministry, in his work amid urban slums and
17. Manuscript of an address by the retiring President, December 1, 1920.
18. Cf. History of Methodist Missions, first three of six projected volumes
edited bv Wade Crawford Barclay (New York: Methodist Board of Missions,
1949-1957).
70
settlement houses, in directing the world outreach of the Methodist
Church, in strengthening the bonds of Christian unity. It may be an
oversimplification but it is not inaccurate to say that while Walter
Rauschenbusch taught the Social Gospel in Rochester Seminary, while
Washington Gladden preached it in Columbus, Ohio, Frank Mason
North practiced it on the sidewalks of New York.
But it is safe to predict that, when all of his social and institutional
and ecumenical achievements are forgotten, Oiristians of many races
and creeds will be singing the greatest of North's poems, appropriately
entitled "A Prayer for the Multitudes". He did write other stirring
hymns besides those contained in The Methodist Hymnal. One of his
earliest, "Jesus, the calm that fills my breast" (1884), included in the
1905 Hymnal, was dropped in 1935, to the profound regret of mis-
sionaries and others who still to this day protest its omission. North's
last two published poems commemorate outstanding events in Ameri-
can Methodism: the sailing of Melville Cox to Africa in 1832 ("The
Anniversary Hymn")^^ and "The Christmas Conference, 1784"-'^.
It is "Where Cross the Crowded Ways of Life" (also called "The
City Hymn"), however, which proclaims the central tenet of North's
faith : that behind the common human concern for wretchedness and
need, for famished souls and burdened toil, stands the loving kindness
of the Son of God who is also Son of Man. (North deplored the error,
committed often today, of skipping to the last stanza, for without the
preceding one, it contains no subject, no independent verb, no
Master!) The cup of water is not enough unless it helps men to see
His grace. The welfare programs, the civil rights, the ministries of
teaching and healing, all are essential expressions of Christ's mission.
But the Church fails in its task if through them it does not help the
multitudes to see "the sweet compassion of [His] face".
\9. Carrying Christ to Africa (Norfolk: Committee on Historical Pamphlet,
1958), p. 29.
20. Zion's Herald, September 26, 1934, cover.
The Dearths Discourse
FRANKLIN SIMPSON HICKMAN
FRANKLIN SIMPSON HICKMAN passed from this mortal
scene, characteristically, without ostentation and with but slender prior
notice to his attending wife and friends. He went quietly but deci-
sively, as he had done in life. The place of his departure was Angola,
Indiana, where, with Mrs. Hickman, who survives him, he had made
his home on 809 West Maumee Street since his retirement in 1953.
The life and work of Frank S. Hickman belong to and are wrought
into the founding years and early development of Duke University.
Coming as he did to the faculty of the Divinity School in 1927, in the
second year of its establishment, he was a prominent, high-minded, and
steady contributor to its institutional and instructional development
until his service of twenty-six years terminated in an emeritus status
September 1, 1953. During the earlier years he served as professor
both of Preaching and of the Psychology of Religion. In the latter
field he had received his doctorate of philosophy from Northwestern
University in 1923. While his formal instruction in preaching was
finally relinquished in the early forties, he continued until his retire-
ment to instruct in the psychology of religion, and, from the pulpit of
Duke University Chapel, he maintained in an exemplary way his
notable mastery of pulpit utterance and style.
Dr. Hickman was, it should be remembered, and in collaboration
with the late President William Preston Few, the creator of the
powerful order of Christian worship in the then new Duke University
Chapel. He was the first of Duke's "Preachers to the University" and
the first Dean of the Chapel, which title and responsibilities he
relinquished in 1948. In the zenith of his powers he was doubtless
among the most eminent university preachers of the day and, certainly,
of the entire Southeastern region. And when he came in 1945 to
welcome a colleague to the University pulpit in the person of Dr.
James T. Cleland, he received his fellow preacher with entire glad-
ness and grace that was never failing.
On his retirement as Dean of the Chapel in 1948 a Resolution of
the Church Board contained the following summary words : "To Dr.
Hickman all of us are today deeply indebted for our opportunities in
religious worship and service. We herein acknowledge the debt we
owe, and acclaim his works among us. And finally, we resolve that
n
we to whom some portion of his responsibilities may now have passed,
shall fulfill our charge with his exemplary fidelity and devotion."
Frank Hickman was born September 14, 1886, in Fort Wayne,
Indiana, of parents of stalwart but humble circumstances. He was
graduated with the A.B. degree in 1917 from DePauw University,
and from Boston University School of Theology with the S.T.B. in
1920. His ministry had begun in 1911, when he was admitted on trial
in the North Indiana Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church.
There he served a number of pastoral appointments. Before he came
to Duke Divinity School, he had also served as instructor in the
Chicago Training School for City, Home, and Foreign Missions,
1920-24, and Hamlin University, 1924-25. Occasional teaching ap-
pointments in subsequent years included Emory University, Hampton
Institute, Iliff School of Theology, and, during his one sabbatical leave
from Duke University, a semester of teaching at Soochow University,
China, in the spring of 1937.
Author of a number of books on the psychological approach to
religion, Frank Hickman also made a considerable literary contribu-
tion to the subject of education and religion and, from 1943 to 1965,
he provided a devotional column entitled "Just a Minute" for the
Durham Morning Herald. This appeared daily for twenty-two years
to the edification of very many people. He was the father and founder
in 1931 of the Phillips Brooks Club, an interdenominational society of
faculty and ministers devoted to ecumenical discussion that continued
a lively and valued existence for well over two decades.
In the earlier days of his retirement he maintained his scholarly
studies, working at two manuscripts which were never finished — one
entitled Ecce Homo and another on the meaning of imitatio Christi,
which profoundly engaged his interest from the psychological but
also from the ethical point of view.
Dr. Hickman was trained in the era of "liberal theology".
Probably he never saw cause to pass beyond that general standpoint.
All the same, his Christianity belonged to the classical tradition of
Protestant evangelical piety. He was, perhaps, above all a man of
character and a churchman whose affiance to Christ was a personal
realization and whose concern and service to his fellows was an
axiom of Christian profession. When he spoke or preached, one could
hear echoes of the thunders of Sinai and the limpid sureties of the
Sermon on the Mount. Here was a man of personal sensitivity with
a sure and unfaltering commitment to the main pillars of the Christian
message.
n
As I knew him and remember him with gratitude, I am sensible
that the same centrahties were the woven fabric of a dedicated mind,
a resolute will, and a purposeful and consecrated life. In him was the
living granite of a Protestant American tradition that knew its own
mind. He is remembered with tenderness, with admiration, and with
utter respect. About his manner and his mind there was a transparent
nobility that was not dimmed despite life's exigencies and attendant
disappointments.
He left his mark upon this University and upon colleagues and
generations of students. His final official act as professor of the
Divinity School was his address to the graduating class Sunday
evening. May 31, 1953. He recalled a circumstance of his student days
at Boston University — the unveiling of an artist's portrait of Christ
with a finely painted scroll bearing the words, "As the Father hath sent
me, even so I send you." It was a valedictory. He had fought a good
fight. He was now fully authorized to invite his students into the suc-
cession in which he had valiantly served.
Yet the breadth and largeness of his mind is perhaps ever so
visible in the following quotation that remains seasonable for us today.
It is from a sermon preached in Duke Chapel in the fall of 1951, and
it was a memorial sermon for Dr. Elbert Russell, then recently
deceased and under whose deanship Dr. Hickman had served 1928-41 :
In such a time as ours institutional religion is not enough. What
matters it that we build great churchly systems, and that we adorn our
services of worship with all manner of high ritual, if there be no living
light on the altar of every believer's heart? In our Protestant world a
new spirit is beginning to stir ; it gives evidence of rising into a mighty
movement. I refer to the spirit of restlessness with respect to the
divisions so sadly evident in our Christian world, the rising desire for
some sort of unity which shall heal our schisms and enable us to present
a common front to the paganism of our times. We do not deny that the
various denominations have served great and worthy purposes. We
do not deny that there ought to be some variety in church organiza-
tion and order of worship, to fit the wide diversity of human nature
and culture to which Christianity makes its appeal. But Protestantism
nevertheless seeks for some underlying spirit of unity which shall send
its life out through all the divergent branches of the Protestant Christian
Church. There must arise in all parts of the Christian world a new
spirit of brotherhood rooted deep in the life of Christ our elder
Brother, and giving evidence of its oneness in a suffering world by the
light which it sheds upon all our dark and baffling problems.
Perhaps it will serve best to conclude this retrospect with the
74
Resolution of the Faculty of the Divinity School, presented to Frank
Hickman on the eve of his retirement :
Circumstances provide from time to time occasion to speak more
openly of the quiet sentiments with which we live from day to day.
This is such an occasion.
So to you, Frank Hickman, our colleague of many years, we of the
Divinity faculty are moved to make expressive our tribute, on this oc-
casion of your retirement from our midst and from the round of duties
that have so long been our common responsibility.
Successive milestones are reminders of the journey already achieved.
We remember now your long and worthy service, more than a quarter
of a century of the highest devotion to a challenging duty. Perhaps
with a little surprise, we realize that your service to our beloved
Divinity School extends almost from the beginning, for she was born
only a year before you came to help nourish her life. You have been
among those who especially endured the burden and heat of the day.
What our young school has so far attained is due in part to the full
share you have so admirably contributed.
We remember especially your versatility, upon which the young
school laid claim. In a day when our faculty numbered fewer, you
responded to the need to develop several areas of instruction and train-
ing. And when especially there came the day of dedication of our
glorious University Chapel, in the fall of 1932, we remember that it
was you who first served as its Dean and who through difficult, forma-
tive years led in the development of its services and subsequently in the
establishment of the University Church. . . .
We remember that it was your initiative that founded the Phillips
Brooks Club in 1931. In characteristic generosity with time and energy,
you extended the service of our school to many preachers in the field.
Through depression and war, your devotion to this effective organiza-
tion has been unflagging even to the present hour. The gratitude of
many ministers belonging to a number of denominations throughout
this area, is witness enough to the extended influence you have
exerted. . . .
So, through the years, as teacher and preacher, the labors you have
so conscientiously performed laid a foundation for the upbuilding of
school and church within and beyond the University community.
Always you have held a noble conception of our purposes, maintained
a discipline in the life of learning, and proclaimed the essentials for
the life of the spirit.
But memory goes beyond our official life together, to the cherished
recollections of personal associations through the years. We remember
picnics together in the open air, visits in your home, and the charm and
hospitality extended to us all. Nor is all of our tribute reserved for you
alone, Frank, for men know always — and sometimes admit — how great
a part wives play in their achievements. In praising you, we praise your
wife, Veva; and here especially our wives join us. You have both
become so nuich a part of our coninumity that we shall all miss you
both. . . .
FOCUS ON
FACULTY
DONALD J. WELCH, Assistant to the Dean :
It was my privilege to be a member of the last class in Psychology
of Religion taught b}- the late Professor Frank S. Hickman. Many
readers may recall that one of the requirements of the course was a
"spiritual autobiography". Except for the usual biographical material
furnished to college and university news bureaus, this course require-
ment was my last attempt to write about myself. I hope to avoid the
mistake made by a classmate of mine who entitled his paper for Profes-
sor Hickman, "From Childhood to Adultery, The Story of My Life."
My life began in childhood but thus far it has reached no such exciting
or morally unacceptable climax.
We were a family of eight children, two parents, and a grand-
mother who all lived together in Ashland, Kentucky. I was the sixth
child of a bookkeeper for a steel mill. My father was not only able to
provide food and clothing for his large family in the midst of the
depression, but, as the choir director and treasurer of the Methodist
Church across the street, he made sure that all of us were nurtured by
its Sunday School, converted by its evangelists, and bored by its mini-
sters. We each in turn sang in the choir and served as officers in the
Methodist Youth Fellowship. The fact that of all eight children only I
found a vocation in the ministry of the church is one of the greatest
arguments ever mounted against the deterministic doctrine of behav-
iorism.
I entered Union College in Kentucky in 1948 ; there I majored in
history and minored in a job as youth and choir director in a nearby
Methodist Church.
Throughout college I rarely deviated from a ministerial career, but
toward the end of my senior year I was excited by the prospect of a
three-year term of service in India as a short-term missionary for the
Methodist Church. I promptly applied and began my training in
Hartford, Connecticut, during the summer of 1952. The summer
ended and I waited patiently for a visa from the young nation of India.
Since I had no qualifications other than my youthful desire to
propagate the Christian faith, Mr. Nehru's government, with a legiti-
76
mate fear of the massive influx of Western missionaries, delayed my
visa. I spent the fall as a traveling secretary for the Student Volunteer
Movement, recruiting missionaries from college campuses throughout
the south. In February, 1953, I gave up my wanderlust and entered
Duke Divinity School, from which I graduated in the summer of 1955.
I have always had a peculiar concern for the people of Appalachia ;
therefore, 1 returned with my wife (the former Mary Nancy Wilder,
whom I had married during my last year at Duke) to Kentucky, where
I became pastor in a small mountain town, the seat of a Baptist Col-
lege. My future became apparent. As much as I loved the pastorate,
I was destined to be drawn away. First, I assumed part-time responsi-
bilities as an instructor in music at Cumberland College. (The bizarre
details of this incident would make a good novel.) Soon I was com-
muting sixty miles three times each week as a part-time instructor in
Religion and Philosophy at Union College. After three years, I
became Dean of Men of that institution and later changed my status
to that of campus minister and Assistant Professor of Religion and
Philosophy. With no academic qualifications beyond my Duke B.D., I
saw no future in the academic world and made one last try to return
to the pastorate in Berea, Kentucky, where I also served as Wesley
Foundation Director at Berea College, but, alas, I was soon teaching
again as a visiting lecturer in Religion and Philosophy.
If anyone has read the above with an idea of finding some qualifica-
tions for an Assistant to the Dean of a Divinity School, he will have
as much difticulty as I have had in figuring why I am here. Perhaps
I should write a volume on "How to be a Theological Seminary
Administrator without Really Trying." On the other hand, there is
a job to be done here, and, as I have found in every other appointment,
the task is exciting and challenging. I cannot imagine anyone who
could possibly believe that God has destined him to be an Assistant to
the Dean, and yet I have believed this about every other appointment I
have held. Why stop now ?
LOOKS
^^BOOKS
The Reformation: A Narrative History Related by Contemporary Observers
and Participants. Edited and introduced by Hans J. Hillerbrand. Harper &
Row. 1964. 495 pp. $7.50.
Professor Hillerbrand has provided students of the Reformation with a
scholarly as well as lively narrative account of the period by having con-
temporary participants and observers relate in English the important events. But
this is more than a source book of readings. To bring all the selections together
into a coherent and meaningful story, the editor presents his materials in con-
ventional chapters, providing each one with an introduction which lays the back-
ground and explains the roles played by each of the narrators. He gives each
source, in turn, a heading which connects the new statement with what has
preceded. The introductions alone comprise an account of the period of consider-
able length.
Recent interests and concerns are reflected in Hillerbrand's choice of docu-
ments. In addition to the usual selections, he has a solid chapter on the "Radical
Reform Movements," in which he has many representatives of the left-wing
reformers speak for themselves, and one on "Catholic Response and Renewal,"
which he treats not only as a Counter Reformation but also as a reform move-
ment reaching back into the fifteenth century. The selection of sources was made
with such great care that one misses few of one's favorites.
Although there is a certain unevenness because the author uses English trans-
lations and sixteenth-century English documents from various sources and
provides us with a number of new translations of his own, one's interest is sus-
tained throughout the book. Its value is enhanced by good bibliographies and
the use of more than sixty illustrations, including contemporary oil portraits,
cartoons, woodcuts, and documents. It deserves to be widely read by laymen
as well as by Reformation students.
— Harold J. Grimm
The Ohio State University
History of Philosophy: Selected Readings. George L. Abernethy and Thomas
A. Langford, eds. Dickenson. 1965. 620 pp.
Professor Abernethy of Davidson College and Professor Langford, Chairman
of the Department of Religion at Duke and former Instructor in the Divinity
School, have again co-operated to produce a collection of readings from primary
sources designed to serve as a textbook for undergraduate college instruction.
Unlike their previous editorial collaboration (Philosophy of Religion: A Book
of Readings. Macmillan. 1962), this book does not undertake to bring the
reader all the way to the contemporary scene. Usual course-outlines as well as
the great scope of potentially relevant material have dictated the terminus of the
material in the nineteenth century. The selections run from Thales to J. S. Mill,
including representations of twenty-one major figures in addition to a number
of the Pre-Socratic and Hellenistic philosophers.
Whenever one browses through any collection of readings, he will almost
inevitably note that a few of his own "pets" are missing. In this case the
78
reviewer noted the omission of Lucretius and Pascal as well as the absence of
any excerpts from Plato's Apology and of the central passages expressive of
Kant's contributions (negative and positive) to philosophical theology.
Nevertheless this work on the whole meets quite well the three major
requirements of a textbook of readings: (1) over-all balance of figures chosen,
(2) representativeness and centrality of passages selected, and (3) adequacy of
translations used. An added bonus is the brief bibliography of relevant paper-
back works included at the end of each section.
Even the reader with "no background" in the subject matter may, through
the guidance of some standard secondary textbook (several of which are avail-
able in paperbacks : e.g., the Harper Torchbook two-volume edition of Windel-
band's A History of Philosophy), find in a thoughtful study of these passages an
exciting enrichment of both the scope and depth of his understanding of our
common Western heritage of thought.
— Charles K. Robinson
Worship in Scripture and Tradition. Edited by Massey H. Shepherd, Jr.
Oxford. 1963. x, 178 pp. $4.50.
There are two reasons why this book means much to me, and the same
reasons apply to you our alumni. First, three of the seven authors are Duke men :
two at present on the Divinity School faculty, one a former member and a Ph.D.
graduate. (These three essayists have inscribed my review copy with a personal
and appreciated greeting.) Moreover, another has been a Gray Lecturer. Your
loyal interest should be aroused.
Second, this book is great stuff. It is a compilation of papers by members
of the Theological Commission on Worship (North American Section) of the
Commission on Faith and Order of the World Council of Churches. Joseph
Sittler, of the University of Chicago, writes the Introduction, stressing the
meaning of worship : specific recollection for repetition and renewal ; cultic
recovery in variety and unity ; theological insight which transcends the preposi-
tional. These six pages should be read six times.
Dean Cushman, with clarity and pungency, elucidates the idea of "Worship as
Acknowledgment," the acknowledgment of God which is both the alternative to
self-affirmation and the sublimation of self-affirmation. Man, in worship, consents
to the higher sovereignty which fulfills his own personhood within a covenant
community. Consent leads to responsibility, to the obedience of the v^hole life
both in ethical living and in liturgical exercises. Worship is the celebration of
the fulness of our willing sacrifice to God and man. Such an essay makes one
wish that Robert Cushman were in two persons : one in the Dean's office, the
other in the classroom.
Professor Rylaarsdam, of the University of Chicago, roots Christian worship
in the Old Testament ("The Matrix of Worship in the Old Testament"), and
then gently scolds the churches for forgetting the cultic, corporate, objective,
theo-centric, this-wordly emphasis of Judaism, due to the influx of pietistic,
personal "experience" and false optimism.
Frank Young of Princeton University, still a Duke man at heart, delighted us
this year with a lecture on worship in the New Testament. If you did not hear
him, you may read some of his reflections in the essay, "The Theological Con-
text of New Testament Worship". He shook us with his thesis that there was
no Christian holy place, spatially. God is present wherever the believer is. The
primary actor is God revealed in Jesus Christ, "crucified-risen-coming," who is
met in the world. (I'm not quite sure what this does to the building of churches).
Fred Herzog and I have had a running battle, in love, on his chapter : "The
79
Norm and Freedom of Christian Worship." With scholarship and gentle
insistence, he establishes his norm : "Primarily important is the death of Jesus."
I just don't believe it ! Primarily important, for me, is the resurrection of Jesus.
But I know why he wrote what he wrote, and I sympathize with him. He is
protesing against a comfy, all-is-well, pain-avoiding, Easter-without-Good-Friday
cultus. He is tired of aesthetic glamor and longs for holy sacrifice. Can we
blame him?
Massey Shepherd, the editor, who probably knows more about worship than
any other Protestant in the U.S.A., writes on "The Origin of the Church's
Liturgy". Here is history made vivid. How can any one man know as much as
he knows, and how can anyone transmit it to a reader so interestingly and ar-
restingly ?
The last essay, by Alexander Schmemann of St. Vladimir's Orthodox Semi-
nary, "Theology and Liturgical Tradition", battles the old-new problem of the
primacy of "liturgical theology" or "the theology of liturgy", pitting each against
the other in an exciting debate. Is liturgy the living source of theology, or is
liturgy the object of theological inquiry and definition? He accepts neither
alternative. For him "liturgical tradition ... is the ontological condition of
theology" (175). The job of theology is to purify the liturgy; the job of the
liturgy is to give back to theology "that eschatological fulness which the liturgy
alone can 'actualize'." This essay should be read seven times.
Do you want a book on worship which will be forever on your shelves and
often on your desk? This is it — written for professionals, for folk like us.
— James T. Cleland
80
Theological Transition in American
Methodism, 1790-1935. Robert E.
Chiles. Abingdon. 1965. 238 pp. $4.
A living faith, even though rooted
in an historic event, must bear its
fruit amid the changing cults and cul-
tures of mankind. If it is to retain its
hold on the soil, and especially if it is
to take over new territory, it must
adapt itself to new situations. This is
the problem of "Qirist and Culture."
This is also the problem of the book
before us, one set on a narrower stage
than that of Richard Niebuhr, and of
fullest importance to Methodists, yet
not to them alone.
Dr. Chiles confesses that he began
his studies with the conservative as-
sumption that Methodist theology
ought to remain constantly and perhaps
invariably true to John Wesley, espe-
cially as Wesley was intent on renew-
ing the primitive Christian faith. Yet
the author came more and more to
realize both the inevitability and the
desirability of continually restating this
faith in terms of contemporary thought.
At the outset he rightly asserts the
importance of theology to Wesley, and
the folly of seeing Methodism merely
as unthinking warmhearted "do-good-
ism". Thus convinced, he approaches
the problems of change within Method-
ist theology — both the nature of this
change and its value. He does this by
representative samples both of doc-
trines and of theologians in American
Methodism during the last 150 years.
For his doctrines Dr. Chiles bypasses
some of the narrower traditional em-
phases of Wesley's theology (justifica-
tion by faith, the witness of the Spirit,
sanctification) in favor of categories
which overlap and to a large extent
encompass them — revelation, sin, and
grace. Of his representative Methodist
theologians the first was British,
though wielding enormous influence in
America — Richard Watson ; the others
were American, John Miley and Albert
Knudson. Each was a systematic
theologian, and each was identified
with a different historical period.
In general the first period was char-
acterized by a strong and sometimes
uncritical allegiance to Wesley's theo-
logical teachings, an allegiance fre-
quently qualified during the second
period by a desire both to systematize
and to revise his thought so that it
could be more readily applied to con-
temporary culture. By the beginning
of the 20th century references to
Wesley's theology almost disappeared,
lost in the general conflict between
modernism and fundamentalisin, theo-
logy itself being overshadowed by the
philosophy of religion, and "liberal
evangelicalism" giving place to "evan-
gelical liberalism."
In Chapter III Dr. Chiles outlines
the progress in American Methodist
theological thought "From Revelation
to Reason." He has some important
things to say about Wesley's attitude
both to the Bible and to theology,
and shows how for him religious
knowledge was intuitively apprehended,
but tested by Scripture and reason.
He goes on to show how with Watson
there was a subtle change of mood, the
scriptures still conveying a revelation
of God to man, but their message being
grasped by critical reason rather than
by a sensitive spirit. With Miley there
was an outright insistence upon the
priority of intellect that could not but
undermine (however reluctantly)
Wesley's emphasis upon the centrality
of an immediate awareness of God.
Knudson saw this awareness as a
native religious phenomenon, a speci-
men to be examined under the cold
light of reason, and then classified
along with similar phenomena from
other realms of knowledge, the pos-
sibility of error being constantly borne
in mind. For Knudson any emphasis
upon a direct revelation of God was
liable to dismissal as "theological ir-
rationalism". Similarly Dr. Chiles
traces in Chapter IV the change of
emphasis "From Sinful Man to Moral
Man", and in Chapter V "From Free
Grace to Free Will". In each case, of
course, these are descriptions of ten-
dencies, not of absolute transforma-
tions, and in every instance it is
81
possible to point to thinkers who re-
fuse to follow the trend.
The closing chapter avowedly fol-
lows Wesley's homiletical method of a
practical application. Of especial prac-
tical value to this reviewer is the
author's summary of his thesis, and no
apology should be needed for quoting
it at length (p. 185) :
The first transition, 'from revela-
tion to reason,' began with Wes-
ley's conception of scriptural,
experimental religion and moved
through Watson's efforts to au-
thenticate Scripture, and Miley's
arguments for the scientific certi-
tude of theology, to Knudson's
rational justification of faith by
means of personal idealism. In-
creasing importance was attached
to reason, natural theology, and
philosophical demonstration, as
priority shifted from the revelatory
encounter, and its description, to
the reasons for and the reasonable-
ness of that which was revealed.
'From sinful man to moral man,'
the second major transition, delin-
eated the change from Wesley's
classical view of the nature and
consequences of sin to an ethical
redefinition of sin in terms of free
moral agency. The guilt of original
sin was placed in doubt very early
and eventually denied, along with
any inheritance of depravity. The
realities which Wesley attributed
to prevenient grace were gradually
incorporated into man's created na-
ture, depreciating his estrangement
and helplessness apart from God.
Sin ceased to be the presupposition
of every human act and came to
specify only those voluntary acts
which violate known obligation.
The third major change in
Methodist theology, 'from free
will,' began with the Wesleyan
doctrine of grace as free for all
and in all and as the sole power of
salvation. Steadily the areas of
achievement assigned to man's
freedom were increased. The atone-
ment ceased to be the indis-
pensable means of salvation objec-
tively required by God and man.
Instead, it found its ground in
governmental necessity and finally
was valued primarily for its sub-
jective moral influence. Repentance
and, eventually, faith came to be
considered essentially human acts,
not God's gifts, and salvation pro-
per became man's divinely assisted
effort to moralize and spiritualize
his life.
In this closing chapter Dr. Chiles
also engages in some interesting theo-
rizing about the nature of theological
transition, and closes with an exhorta-
tion that we should seek to understand
our past not merely for academic
satisfaction but in order to fulfil our
role in God's purposes : "in far-
reaching ways, the future of Method-
ism may depend on its recovery of the
past." It should be unnecessary to add
that this is not a volume of "pure"
theology unrelated to any pastoral
purpose — and for some readers this
may well prove an attraction. Nor
does it set out to be a systematical
history of the systematic theology of
American Methodism. There are the
occasional errors of fact or perspective
from which no scholarly work is
exempt. Nevertheless Dr. Chiles here
provides us with insights and stimula-
tion that should greatly help us to a
sympathetic understanding of our fore-
fathers' experiments in theological
pathfinding, and thus enable us to walk
more assuredly along the highway of
our own spiritual destiny.
— Frank Baker
The Drafitatic Story of Early Ameri-
can Methodism. Frederick E. Maser.
Abingdon. 1965. 107 pp. $.70.
This modest historical primer is oc-
casioned by the coming celebration in
1966 of the bicentennial of the begin-
ning of American Methodism. Ap-
propriately brief, selective, and simply
written for popular circulation, it is a
rehearsal and celebration rather than
82
a critical examination of the tradition.
The author is pastor of historic Old
St. George's Church in Philadelphia.
Methodist ministers should not look
for surprises in this familiar story but
may welcome such a readable sketch of
his heritage for the layman. The
"dramatic story of early American
Methodism" of course looks back to
the earlier ministries of the Wesleys
and Whitefield in this country, but
begins properly with the work of
Robert Strawbridge in Maryland,
Philip Embury in New York, and
Captain Thomas Webb in Philadelphia,
as well as an early Methodist society
in Leesburg, Virginia. In anticipation
of union soon between Methodist and
Evangelical United Brethren, the
author recognizes also the ministry of
Philip William Otterbein and Martin
Boehm among German colonists. The
sending of Joseph Pilmoor and Richard
Boardman to America in 1769, the
decisive work of Francis Asbury, the
development of Methodist itinerancy
and organization, the relation of
American Methodists to the American
Revolution, the Sacramental Contro-
versy, the contributions of rugged
pioneer preachers, the plan of Wesley
for American Methodism, the ordina-
tion and sending of Thomas Coke and
the Christmas Conference of 1784 — -all
these familiar developments are re-
hearsed for the layman's benefit. In-
cluded also is a brief Epilogue to
bring the story up to date.
It remains to be seen whether this
book and the bicentennial celebration
generally will serve to bring the story
up to date in another sense. Consider
this quotation : "In short, the Meth-
odists, in place of the sacraments, were
sending forth a man, Francis Asbury.
Possibly this is the secret of Methodist
success. Methodism is a man going
forth with good news about God — a
man who requires no altar upon which
to provide the sacraments, who needs
no .sanctuary in which to proclaim his
message, who needs no vestments in
which to present his truth ; who needs
only persons, persons who want to hear
about God, persons who feel their need
of word from God" (p. 83). Will such
historical retrospect encourage re-
doubling of ways and words that
served such persons in mid-eighteenth-
century frontier society ; or will it
contribute to the renewal of the church
and its freedom "to serve the present
age" and the changing decades ahead?
— McMurry S. Richey
Religion in America. Winthrop S.
Hudson. Scribner's. 1965. 447 pp.
$7.95.
Any writer who attempts to survey
the whole 350-year history of Ameri-
can Religion (including the three
major faiths) in a volume of 450 pages
faces an almost insuperable task. Yet
Professor Hudson has accomplished
this feat amazingly well. Moreover,
the literary style is distinguished.
Structurally, the volume is framed in
four parts : I. The Formative Years
(1607-1789); II. The New Nation
(1789-1860) ; III. Years of Midpassage
(1860-1914); IV. Modern America
(1914- ). Four chapters are de-
voted to each part.
zA.mong the more distinctive features
of Professor Hudson's treatment are
the following:
First, the author weights the con-
tents in favor of post-colonial develop-
ments. Specifically, he explores the
developments of the first 182 years in
102 pages. This may seem too com-
pressed to satisfy some readers, but
Hudson reveals exceptional knack at
condensing a great variety of ideas and
events in a few succinct sentences.
Second, denominational distinctives,
although not ignored, are subordinated
to an emphasis upon those tendencies of
life and thought which reflect the basic
unities of the various religious bodies.
The ecumenical value of this approach
is obvious.
Third, instead of seeking to say a
little something about everything in
American religion, Hudson concen-
trates upon what he considers the more
significant phenomena and analyzes
83
them in considerable detail. His
choices may not please everyone, but
this reviewer is impressed with his
selections in most instances.
Fourth, Hudson is primarily con-
cerned to depict the religious life of the
American people, but at the same time
he often presents illuminating theologi-
cal interpretations.
Fifth, instead of adding a general
bibliography at the end of the volume
the author happily provides suggestions
for further reading in the footnotes.
Many of his references are to primary
sources.
The total result is a most refreshing
book. It deserves (and will receive) a
wide reading. It is unquestionably the
best one-volume introduction in its
field.— H. Shelton Smith
Man's Nature and His Communities.
Reinhold Niebuhr. Scribner's. 1965.
125 pp. $3.95.
The master Protestant ethicist of
our day turns his hand to a volume of
essays on the human condition as seen
through the eyes of the Christian
faith. If the phrase "a mellowed Nie-
buhr" be not self-contradictory, it can
stand to describe the mood of the book.
Whatever the limitation of physical
infirmity, his mind has lost none of its
dialectical skill in the apt and pithy
generalization, the deft movement from
one epoch to another, the sharpness of
his scalpel in cutting into the anatomy
of motivation.
His introduction promises a state-
ment of revision of earlier rash opinion.
The substance of the essays confirms
a qualification more than a retraction
of the insights with which his name
has been connected. Many familiar
Niebuhrean themes are here rehearsed :
his strictures against simplicism, ra-
tionalism, idealism, perfectionism. The
positive pivot on which he swings his
dialectics is that man's communities are
made and sustained by a perennial mix-
ture of moral motives, the angelic and
the demonic. Both the "realistic" and
"idealistic" impulses in man must be
reckoned together to account for the
strange mixture of his ways. So too
his tribalism and his universalism are
apparent at once, for example, in the
American pattern of race relations.
His capacities for self-seeking and for
self-giving, likewise, provoke Niebuhr
to an extended historical exegesis on
the gospel paradox about losing and
finding life.
It is significant that the volume
closes on the note of "grace" rather
than "judgment". Niebuhr is im-
pressed by the resilient process of
history, beyond man's doing, "common
grace", restoring new communities out
of the old broken ones. The "mellow-
ing" of Niebuhr's mind is no softening
of critical acumen, but a deepening
acknowledgment that the final word of
the Christian faith is one of salvation.
— Waldo Beach
Racism and the Christian Understand-
ing of Man. George D. Kelsey.
Scribner's. 1965. 178 pp. $4.50.
This is no mere run-of-the-mine
book on race relations. Rather, it is
qualitatively comparable to Kyle
Haselden's excellent work. The Racial
Problem in Christian Perspective, first
published in 1959. Both books probe
racism in spiritual depth.
Racism is, says Professor Kelsey, "a
modern phenomenon" which "emerged
as a sort of afterthought, a byproduct
of the ideological justification of
European political and economic power
arrangements over colored peoples."
In the course of time, however, racism
"developed into an independent phe-
nomenon, possessing meaning and value
in itself and giving character to all the
institutions of some societies."
Kelsey takes sharp issue with those
who ascribe racism to ignorance or to
cultural lag. Instead, he views racism
as a pernicious evil that stems from an
idolatrous worship of one's ethnic
group as the ultimate object of mean-
ing, value, and loyalty. As such, it is
not essentially alterable by any form
of cultural development. Racism, ac-
84
cording to the author, involves a deci-
sive value judgment with respect to the
essential being of one's own race in
contrast to that of another race. In
Kelsey's words, "the fundamental
racist affirmation is that the in-race is
glorious and pure as to its being, and
out-races are defective and depraved as
to their being." This deification of
one's own race in effect denies that all
men are created in the image of God
and thus bear an essential likeness in
being to one another. Hence, racism
alienates mankind on the deepest pos-
sible level.
All this and much more the reader
will encounter in Professor Kelsey's
penetrating volume. Unfortunately, the
author did not supply an index. Al-
though a general bibliography is also
missing, the footnotes cite numerous
works of value. — H. Shelton Smith
White Protestantism and the Negro.
David M. Reimers. Oxford Univer-
sity Press. 1965. 236 pp. $5.
If one agrees with Santayana's
aphorism that those who don't know
history are damned to repeat its mis-
takes, the merit of this book is almost
immediately apparent. In less than 200
pages Professor David Reimers, of the
Brooklyn College Department of His-
tory, traces more than 150 years of
White Protestant-Negro relations in
the United States.
Reimers does not venture to discuss
the role of theology as a factor in the'
shaping of race relations. Instead, his
work describes, from the early 1800's
to the 1960's, how American Protes-
tantism has responded to the "stranger
in its midst". In addition, he has
provided a useful bibliographical essay
for those who want to read more.
No one alert to the present racial
struggle should really be surprised by
the general impression created by the
book, nor by its conclusions. White
Protestantism has been, and in some
large measure continues to be, very
reluctant to become genuinely inclusive
racially. Gary Player's response to the
disqualification of a black competitor in
a recent golf tournament in apartheid
South Africa ("I play golf — I don't
meddle in politics.") illustrates one
familiar (and hallowed) Protestant at-
titude toward race. Reimers' book
describes several more and shows how,
together, they have developed. What
most of us will see, perhaps for the
first time here, is careful and judicious
documentation of the historical record
of American Protestantism's failure to
deal creatively and constructively with
racial sin.
A pastor knowledgeable of this book
(and of Dr. H. Shelton Smith's 1965
Gray Lectures) should be able signif-
icantly to help his congregation under-
stand where we are now by knowing
hoiv we got here. — Harmon L. Smith
The Freedom Revolution and the
Churches. Robert W. Spike. As-
sociation Press. 1965. 128 pp. $2.95.
When Robert Spike wrote this little
book, he was Director of the National
Council of Churches' Commission on
Religion and Race. He is now on the
faculty of the University of Chicago
Divinity School as chairman of the
Department on Ministry. One sus-
pects that his academic tenure, like his
previous work, will not be cloistered
in an ivoried (or even ivyed) tower;
and we can be glad for this. It was
(and is) his active involvement in
the "freedom revolution" that has al-
lowed him to write with authority and
perception about very concrete as well
as conceptual issues.
The strength and attraction of the
book is its admitted tractarian char-
acter. And, in this respect, not only
the failure of the churches but also the
conspiracy of white extremist groups
(including the Hargis and Mclntire
variety together with Citizens Councils
and the KKK) receive deserved, if not
always penetrating, criticism.
This general approach, however, is
not without its own dangers and dif-
ficulties, and the logic of the tactician
is occasionally confused by the elo-
85
quence of the exhorter. Spike argues
(pp. 71 ff.), for example, that "prep-
ositional theology" is intrinsically un-
suited to deal constructively with
racism; but he later claims (p. 98 ff.)
that the Church's greatest opportunity
lies in the South because there pietist
and fundamentalist religion still plays
"a large part in the lives of people".
One might ask (at the risk of
pedantry!) whether American religi-
ous liberalism and the Social Gospel
did, in fact, speak any more meaning-
fully to racism than "propositional
theology" ? Moreover, one's impression
is that Spike writes rather more from
the vantage point and about the in-
volvement of the NCCs Commission in
the freedom revolution than of "the"
church or parish churches. The blurb
on the jacket flap (that this is "a 'why'
and 'what to do' action manual") is
thus accurate only in a very general
sense.
The place of this book in the current
discussion and situation is somewhat
uncertain. Nevertheless, it is an inter-
esting, and sometimes moving, tract
and one can read it with profit.
— Harmon L. Smith
Missions in a Time of Testing. R. K.
Orchard. Westminster. 1964. 212
pp. $4.50.
As London Secretary of the Interna-
tional Missionary Council (now the
Division of World Mission and Evan-
gelism in the World Council of
Churches), Ronald K. Orchard has
been on the frontiers of mission and
ecumenicity. This book is by far the
best of several recent attempts to
bridge "the gap between theological
reflection and practical decision", to
interpret the relationship between
God's act in Christ and our participa-
tion in that mission.
Naturally, Orchard is fully cognizant
of the new perspectives : that "mission
is presence before it is action," that
human relationships must precede ex-
plicit witness, that the Christ-event
must be mediated to men in their
secular and cultural experiences. Un-
like some extreme mission theologians,
he does not claim all of life in Christ
for mission ; he recognizes the place of
worship and service as well. He as-
serts that "neither the parish nor the
gathered congregation ... is capable,
by itself and in its present form, of
carrying the Christian mission, much
less of expressing the totality of the
Christian life in any locality in the cir-
cumstances of our day." But he be-
lieves equally strongly that there is
need for churches and mission organi-
zations as focal points, as servants of
the mission, as "the part for the
whole."
Orchard's central thesis lies in his
recurrent definition of mission as "the
explicit and direct telling to men the
name of their Redeemer." To some
readers, this will sound theologically
narrow, especially when he specifically
excludes compassion, personal com-
mitment, establishing churches, etc. as
valid motives for engagement in mis-
sion. Others, agreeing with him in
theory, will find it difficult to reconcile
this emphasis on proclamation with his
proposal for an "order" of mission to
include many Christians in "secular"
occupations. This ministry to men in
society would not be for the primary
purpose of making converts, but to
explore the meaning of the Christ-
event within "the rightful, limited but
genuine autonomy" of these human
activities. Still other readers will be
less optimistic than Orchard that such
witness will ahvays be given an op-
portunity to answer Why?— and thus
to "tell the name" and thereby validate
the mission.
A couple of chapters may be too
technically aimed at mission admin-
istrators, but the book as a whole is
bound to stimulate all of us to new
insights on the meaning and opportun-
ities of vital evangelism. For the mis-
sion Ronald Orchard discusses so
freshly and cogently involves the
Church and every Christian in a time
of testing.— Creighton Lacy
86
The Thickness of Glory. John Kil-
linger. Abingdon. 1964, 1965. 158
pp. $2.75.
This volume of sermons so appeals to
me that I wish I had written it. I have
already recommended that the author,
who has just gone to Vanderbilt in
homiletics, be invited to preach in the
Duke Chapel. The ten transcribed
sermons concentrate on God : unknown
yet known ; concealed even when re-
vealed ; demanding more than we give,
yet accepting us in mercy. Each
sermon leads to the next; there is
continuity in diversity, as Killinger
wrestles with "the ultimate mystery of
God" as set forth in the Bible. He
knows the contemporary world too : its
promise and its threat ; its satisfactions
and its anxiety. He is bi-focal : he says
that his father taught him about "the
real world of theology and horses"
(p. 5). This bi-focal approach is
clarified by a dramatic style which
chuckles and sparkles and encourages
us to apprehend even when we cannot
comprehend. Each proposition is il-
lustrated from all kinds of places and
people. Killinger knows current
letters; he has already written two
books in which he reflects on modern
literature and theology. In addition,
he structures his sermons for our
remembrance.
Any criticism ? Of course. One sec-
tion in chapter 1 should be omitted;
the exegesis of the Fourth Word from
the Cross in chapter 7 is doubtful ;
chapter 10 is eisegetically allegorical.
Moreover, he must give us another
volume, consciously and emphatically
stemming from the Resurrection reve-
lation. He has shaken the foundations ;
now he must tell us, at equal length,
about the new being in the risen and
indwelling Christ.
There are not many of us who are
going to preach these sermons because
most of us are not ready for them
either in the study or the pulpit. They
will search us and try us. If we
wrestle with them, they will bless us
before we let them go; and we shall
give God the glory and Killinger our
thanks. — James T. Qeland
Are You Running with Me, Jesus? —
Prayers. Malcolm Boyd. Holt, Rine-
hart and Winston. 1965. 119 pp.
$3.95.
This small book may be a scandal to
the sanctimonious and a stumbling
block to the "sophisticated", but it may
also be a blessing to those who realize
with regret that they are failing to
speak honestly with God. Malcolm
Boyd shocks us into a painful acknowl-
edgment of our defensivenes and artifi-
ciality of thought and language which
we seldom put aside even in a private
audience with our Lord who knows us
well.
In lucid, contemporary speech these
prayers deal with the emotions and
personal experiences that we all find
important to us. It becomes obvious in
this book that we are not speaking
politely to a distant deity ; in the
presence of the living God a man must
speak directly about the joy and fear,
doubt and despair that are found in
human life day by day.
The main theme of this collection
of prayers is freedom, the freedom that
God intends for the individual in soli-
tude and in society. Our lives seem to
consist of dashing about, caught in a
cycle of self-centered busyness, and we
are indeed enslaved unless it is Jesus
who is running with us, sharing our
frustrations and strengthening our con-
cern for each injury, each injustice that
we see crippling another human being.
Mr. Boyd has structured the book in
a way that reflects his own involve-
ment in many areas of modern life.
There are prayers for one's self and
for society, for racial freedom, for
those who need love and sexual health,
for people in the city and in the univer-
sity. There is a section of perceptive
meditations on films which utilizes cur-
rent motion pictures as depictions of
the human situation.
The book closes with prayers on
87
more traditional Christian themes, the
final one being a moving prayer of
repentance that includes the petition:
"Take our imperfect prayers and
purify them, so that we mean what we
pray and are prepared to give ourselves
. . . along with our words. . . ." May
it be so indeed.
— Harriet V. Leonard
Reference Librarian
Understanding the New Testament.
Howard Clark Kee, Franklin W.
Young, and Karlfried Froelich. (2nd
ed.) Prentice-Hall. 1965. 490 pp.
The New Testament: Its Background,
Grozvth, and Content. Bruce Man-
ning Metzger. Abingdon. 1965. 288
pp. $4.75.
Both these books are intended to
introduce the reader to the New Testa-
ment. Kee and Young — now Kee,
Young, and Froelich in the second
edition — is not explicitly put forward
as a textbook, but it will probably
continue to find a large market as such.
It was originally commissioned by the
Society for Religion in Higher Edu-
cation and Metzger by the Council
for Religion in Independent Schools.
Of the two, Kee, Young, and Froelich
is handsomely illustrated with photo-
graphs, maps and charts, while Metz-
ger is without any illustations save a
few charts and a couple of maps.
The fact that Metzger is aimed at a
somewhat lower academic level
(secondary school and college fresh-
men) than Kee, Young, and Froelich
(general college and university) is
reflected in two ways. First, it is a
shorter book ; second, critical questions
are not treated extensively but resolved
by the author without any attempt to
survey the full range of argumentation.
Nevertheless, in style and content
Metzger is not an especially easy book.
The average college student would not
be insulted by it.
The revision of Kee, Young, and
Froelich has been thorough, and we
are confronted with what is sub-
stantially a new book. The "blurb" an-
nounces that 65% of the book has
been rewritten, and this is certainly
no exaggeration. Greater justice is
done to the complexity and difficulty of
historical and theological issues sur-
rounding the origin and character of
the New Testament books, and the
perspectives and results of recent
scholarship have been fully taken into
account. For example, a discussion of
the gnostic question has been added
to the opening chapter on the Hel-
lenistic antecedents of early Chris-
tianity. Chapters 3-6 are a substantial-
ly new treatment of Jesus and the prob-
lem of the historical tradition in the
light of form criticism and redaction
analysis. Justice is now done to the
problem of the character and trans-
mission of the Jesus tradition and the
nature of the gospel material. More-
over, three entirely new chapters deal-
ing with Mark, Matthew, and Luke-
Acts correct a glaring deficiency in
the first edition. These chapters (11-
13) are placed where they belong in a
treatment such as this, namely, after
the chapters on Paul and the early
church. The chapters on Paul have
been considerably revised (especially 7,
8, 10), and the chapters on John, I
Peter and James, the Catholic Epistles,
and Hebrews and Revelation have been
reworked and reorganized. The bibli-
ography is more extensive, as are the
footnotes.
Unquestionably, the new revision
represents an improvement on the
original in terms of adequate treatment
of critical problems and questions.
Consequently, the book will possibly
appear somewhat more complex to the
beginning student. Yet it is certainly
not outside the range of the college
student, and to the seminary student
it affords, inter alia, a nice consensus
— insofar as such is possible — of the
views of the New Testament critics
and interpreters who are presently in
the ascendancy.
While the new Kee, Young, and
Froelich represents an increased
awareness of the problems and uncer-
tainties of New Testament study, one
88
gets little hint of such things from
Metzger. The learned Princeton Theo-
logical Seminary Neutestamentler
gives the reader the usually conserva-
tive views on historical and other
matters with the principal arguments
for the same. Although these argu-
ments are frequently plausible, and in
many cases doubtless right, one be-
comes uneasy at the regularity with
which they demonstrate the historical
reliability of the New Testament. The
further one reads in the book the better
he is able to predict how Metzger will
decide almost every critical question,
that is, in favor of tradition or, at least,
traditional critical views. At the same
time, Metzger gives a brief, funda-
mentally positive, description of form
criticism (pp. 84-88), acknowledges the
importance of the contributions of the
evangelists to the Gospels (88-96), and
indicates that Luke may have had a
rather large share in the composition
of the speeches reported in Acts (177).
Yet he ventures, on the one hand, to
reconstruct the ministry of Jesus in
three chronological periods — an in-
credible feat according to the prevail-
ing current of scholarly opinion — and,
on the other hand, appears scarcely
willing to venture the judgment that
Paul did not write the Pastorals, finally
falling back on the fragment hypothe-
sis.
All in all, Metzger's book is the fruit
of a kind of scholarship which sees
as its chief task the establishment and
chronological fixing of the data of
early Christian history as given in the
New Testament. The perspective and
character of Metzger's book is im-
plied in the following tabulations. Al-
most one-fourth of the entire volume
is devoted to the historical background
of the New Testament (pp. 17-70),
proportionately much more than in
Kee, Young, Froelich or James Price's
comparable work, Interpreting the
New Testament. Another fourth of the
book is devoted to the life and ministry
of Jesus (pp. 102-166). Two chapters
(pp. 181-214) are essentially a sum-
mary of the Book of Acts, with refer-
ences to Paul's letters. The last two
chapters (pp. 215-272) contain brief
descriptions of the historical setting
followed by short summaries of the
letters of Paul and the remaining books
of the New Testament. The reviewer
is compelled to ask whether such a
format encourages the reading of the
New Testament itself, or to what
extent it allows the student to sub-
stitute the reading and study of the
textbook for a mastery of the New
Testament.
Kee, Young, and Froelich will, as a
rule, be used by teachers or ministers
who are willing to risk allowing their
students or laymen to explore the many
faceted world of New Testament
criticism, with all its dangers and pit-
falls. Metzger will be chosen by those
who are concerned to disturb as little
as possible traditional and non-critical
approaches to the New Testament.
— D. Moody Smith, Jr.
Duke Divinity School Clinics
July 18-29, 1966
Four clinics, running concurrently, will be conducted at the Duke Divinity
School, July 18-29. These are designed for ministers who are willing to
participate in two weeks of intensive training. A minister may enroll in
only one clinic.
CHURCH PLANNING AND DEVELOPMENT : To acquaint church
leaders with the philosophy and methodology of the "planning
process" as applied to church extension, conference structure,
parish planning, research-survey, and cooperative work both in
urban and rural settings. (Dr. Daniel M. Schores, Jr., Faculty
Chairman)
PASTORAL CARE: To explore the personal and theological issues
involved in ministry. Through lectures, group discussions, and
hospital visitation experiences, explorations are made of the mean-
ing of selfhood, the self in crisis,, and the ministry to those in the
crisis of illness. (Dr. Richard A. Goodling, Faculty Chairman)
PREACHING : To focus on principal and practical aspects of sermon
planning, preparation, and presentation, particularly in the area of
sermon construction and delivery. Opportunity is provided for
each participant to preach at least twice before a small group for
critique. Matters of common concern for preachers are discussed
in plenary sessions. (Dr. James T. Cleland, Faculty Chairman)
SYSTEMATIC THEOLOGY: To discuss current and controverted
issues in present-day Protestant theology as these are illustrated
by "radical" and "social change" theology. Lectures, assigned
reading, and group conferences. (Dr. Frederick Herzog, Faculty
Chairman)
COST: Registration Fee— $10.00
Room — Double per week — $8.75 ; Single per week — $10.25
Linen, upon request, $3.75 per week.
Meals — Cafeteria
For full information on program and financial aid write to the Director
and Registrar, Dr. M. Wilson Nesbitt, Box 4814, Duke Station, Durham,
N. C. 27706.
THE
DUKE
DIVINITY
SCHOOli
REVIEW
J
», "^
Xv\
h-^^|5Sr
W^"i
Spring 1966
A Prayer of Thanksgiving and Intercession
for Duke Missionaries in Service
Almighty and Eternal God, our heavenly Father, who didst send
Thy Holy Spirit unto the apostles, to teach them and lead them into
all truth, that they might go forth unto all the world and preach the
Gospel to every creature, we thank Thee for the unending line of
Apostles who have, in every age, received Thy Spirit, and have made
the world into one parish.
In gratitude, we remember them, men and women of all countries,
all centuries, and all colors, who swore to be Thy Son's missionaries
and did not swear in vain.
For their vision of one world under Thee; for their courage in the
face of all hindrances; for their faithfulness even unto death; we thank
Thee.
For Thy word, translated, taught, and preached in many tongues;
for churches, schools, and colleges in many lands; for orphanages and
hospitals in remote corners of the world ; we thank Thee.
For quiet, disciplined lives of Christian service; for hearts big
enough even to love their enemies; for the life of Christ reborn in
countless places; we thank Thee.
We give Thee glory for them. We honor them who lived only to
honor Thee.
And, we ask Thy blessing upon them who still live in militant devo-
tion to Thee, of every church, in every corner of the foreign field.
Especially do we make our prayers of intercession for those of our
own Divinity School and University, whose names we place before Thee
on Thine altar, whose names we speak in honor in Thy presence and
in the company of Thy worshipping people, (insert names).
Bless Them, O Father, who didst give them. Bless them, O Christ
the Son, whose name they bear. Bless them, O Holy Spirit, whose
work they share. Be with them, O Triune God, in all perils by land or
water, in weariness and painfulness, in discouragement and persecution.
Let them see the travail of their souls, and be satisfied.
Even while they labor let them hear Thy encouraging words: "Well
done, good and faithful servants."
Strengthen them in Thy loving power, until Thy Gospel is known and
loved and lived all over the earth, and Thy Kingdom has come in its
fulness.
Hear these our prayers of thanksgiving and intercession, for our
brethren, Thy servants and children, for we offer them in the name of
Jesus Christ, Thy Son, their Lord and our Lord. Amen.
— James T. Cleland
(Used annually during the Symposium on Christian Mission since 1951)
THE
DUKE
DIVINITY
SCHOOL
REVIEW
The Christian Mission Today
Volume 31 Spring 1966 Number 2
Contents
A Prayer for Missionaries, hy James T. Clcland Inside Cover
So This Is Mission? by Mrs. Porter Brozvn 91
Islamic Reflections on Contemporary Theology,
by Kenneth Cragg 99
The Embassy of Christ, by Alan Geyer 113
The Minister as the Man-in-Between, by George A. Foster . . . . 127
Coffee House Christianity, by Jerry H. Gill 139
The Dean's Discourse, by Robert E. Cushman 145
Looks at Books 148
Published three times a year (Winter, Spring, Autumn)
by The Divinity School of Duke University
Postage paid at Durham, North Carolina
So This Is Mission?
Mrs. Porter Brown
General Secretary, Board of Missions, The Methodist Church
There is no point in my taking your time or mine today in making
a brief for the renewal of the church. I think we all will agree that,
if the church is to get even a toehold in the world in which we are
living, it is going to have to change its ways. The ecclesiastical word
for it is "renewal".
It is difficult for us to contemplate, but the fact is that the people
who are making the impact in the shaping of today's world are
largely people who have only the most casual interest in religion of
any kind. They are acting; we are making pronouncements — on
war, poverty, the open shop, prayer in the public schools, etc. After
these have been published in The Christian Century and a paragraph
or two in The New York Times, who cares what we have said?
Open and courageous encounter with the world, in witness and in
renewal, cannot be had by simply making pronouncements.
The attitude of many churchmen, when confronted with the need
for action rather than words, is well illustrated in the old question-
and-answer, "Mother, may I go out to play?" "Yes, my darling
daughter, hang your clothes on a hickory limb, but don't go near the
water." The church has got to get into the water.
The renewal that I am talking about is the kind that makes for
unrest and discomfort, that causes hot arguments between friends,
that makes people do those things which impel Official Board mem-
bers to write letters to the General Secretary of the Board of Mis-
sions saying that, if the Board does not stop stirring up trouble and
encouraging such unorthodox behavior, they are going to cut off their
contributions. Rather than being frightened or discouraged, I be-
lieve this is the spirit of God at work making all things new.
Historically, the mission of the church was defined as personal
salvation and evangelization, "taking the Gospel to the heathen".
This may have been adequate for another day ; it is not adequate for
today. We can no longer put our trust in the institution— the estab-
An address delivered at the Symposium on Christian Mission, February 8,
1966.
92
lishment. The church of this day exists only in relation to something.
It must b€ conceived of only at the operational level.
Following the second World War, as you know, theology re-
treated into a safe shelter with a transcendent God in charge. This
was natural. But time has shaken that shelter and done something
to that God. Some say He is dead. Some say He is different. Or,
as a smart Jewess said to us recently, "God isn't dead ; maybe he
has just removed Himself out of your churches." Maybe He has.
D. T. Niles has asked the question, "Where today is Jesus of-
fering Himself?" And answered, "Sometimes in the most unexpected
places." I submit that today He may be offering Himself in a
court of law, where a defense attorney is pleading for the life of a
human being; or in the office of a housing authority, where a con-
cerned citizen is protesting the presence of rats and the lack of
toilet facilities in a slum dwelling; or in the armories in New York
City, where two hundred people sought refuge from the cold in zero
weather because their buildings had no heat last week; or in Missis-
sippi, where a group of sometimes bearded or black-stockinged col-
lege kids are helping underprivileged citizens to register to vote.
Jesus may be offering Himself in some of our closed, ingrown church
edifices, only to say, finally, "I never knew you."
If we are to be the Church, the new voice in mission, we must
become sensitive, listening people, seeking to find where God is at
work, and then become obedient channels of service in that work.
Where and to what must the Church relate itself? I will be
specific. Where there is war. Does the fact that my government is
involved in war in Viet Nam; that innocent men, women, and
children are dying every day; that rice fields are being burned, and
food that would keep people from starving is being destroyed; con-
cern me as a Christian in mission? Am I agonizing before God for
my government and the United Nations, that they may be led to a
settlement ?
Do I remember that I am part of the family of God when I think
of my millions of brothers and sisters in China, to whom I cannot
even speak? Do I love my enemies even if they live in Moscow?
Is this mission?
What about the famine in India ? Am I affected by the knowledge
that not thousands but millions of people are going to starve to death
in India this year? Our government now estimates that one bushel
of wheat out of every six will have to go to India this year, and yet
93
they will starve. This is only one of many illustrations I could use
to ask again whether this is mission?
What of the poverty and unemployment in the United States;
the drug addiction among the desolate young of our cities ; alcoholism
at all strata of our society ; my callousness and lack of concern for
my brother if he is in trouble; dishonesty in high places, often
among official members of our churches ; indifference about the em-
ployment, health, and housing of the poor, while others are making
inordinate profits ; the denial of the rights of citizenship to some of
our population? Is it the concern of the Church that, even in our
affluent society, the rich are getting richer and the poor are getting
poorer ?
Do we believe that we are one people of one Lord, that we are
drawn together by knowledge of the same Christ, and that we have
experienced something of the same redeeming love? I say to you
that if we deny our obligations of discipleship at these points then
the Church as we have it will die.
If we are to be in mission, there are other areas which must be
our concern. I will just enumerate them, for you have heard them
talked of and have seen them written about : rapid communications,
the technological revolution, urbanization, secularization, the passing
of the colonial era, hatred and suspicion of the West. All of these
remind us forcefully that old patterns of life and mission just will
not do.
Some of us believe that mission must mean the training of leader-
ship to operate in this new world. We have moved from the day of
the general practitioner, who treated everything from corns to dan-
druff ; where we could buy anything from cheese to chicken feed and
overshoes in the general store ; where all eight grades were educated
in one room with one teacher ; when it took three months to get from
New York to Tokyo. Most of us know and accept that there must
be change in all areas of life. We live in houses with all-steel
kitchens. We drive air-conditioned cars with seat belts and col-
lapsible steering wheels. We have IBM computers tell us what we
owe the government. And yet we, the same people, are content to
operate a Board of Missions under an aim that was written by John
R. Mott forty years ago.
I have on my desk right now letters from members of the Board
of Missions complaining about our reexamination of the present
"Aim of Missions", In no other field would anyone say that all
was known in 1928 that was ever going to be known. Or that every-
94
thing was known that was ever going to be known in 1966, for that
matter. Yet, they behave as if this were true in the area of theology
and church administration. Now, thank God, this is not true of
everyone. There are many, many committed churchmen today
courageous and vocal in their desire to see true renewal. I believe
we are getting it. Whether we are getting it fast enough may be
another question. We are talking about the laity in mission. Why
don't we use the skilled layman in the areas of his skill? When a
man wants to witness, we say teach a Sunday school class. But he
has skills in selling intangibles or in public relations or writing
publicity, etc.
You no doubt have gathered that I am concerned for the whole
man. I believe that Christ is sufficient for all of life ; that if I am a
disciple, I must be a missionary ; that I must proclaim by deed as
well as by word His saving grace for ALL OF LIFE. It is our
job as church leaders to help make possible that proclamation in the
most effective way.
In our conviction that there must be change, there is danger of
sweeping the little chicks out with the eggshells. We say that the
world is getting so close together that our problems are common
ones. This is true, but with exceptions.
Nations are the same, having great cities and agricultural areas,
but they are different too. Japan and the United States are alike
and yet not alike. India and Brazil and the United States and
other countries are being urbanized, yet there are millions of people
still living on the land or in villages, and they will continue to live
that way for a long time to come. We must not forget them.
The impact of similar forces — such as, cybernation, secularization,
intellectual revolutions, etc. — is being felt in almost all countries. But
because of differing cultural backgrounds, they are not producing
uniform results. Life would be much simpler if we could put all
people into the same mould, but we cannot. One of our great dan-
gers in planning is the tendency toward depersonalization. We shall
do so at our peril if we assume that a Japanese, a Rhodesian, and a
South American are alike and can be compelled to fit into our one
program. We shall also become impotent if we fail to recognize and
value the differences in ancient cultures and religions of such coun-
tries as China and India and the emerging countries of Africa.
No more can we have one National Division approach to prob-
lems. The needs of the people living in Harlem and the people
living on a reservation in Montana or in the mountains of Appa-
95
lachia are not the same. All of this leads me to the obvious con-
clusion that we cannot be tied to an organization and administrative
details if we are to be the Church in the world. If geographic loca-
tion is no longer a deciding factor in planning, we should move from
that kind of concept into a functional method of operation. This the
Board is attempting to do through functional secretaries skilled in
specific areas. If the inner city or the rural areas need special knowl-
edge and skill, then the Board should provide training to equip both
clergy and laymen to serve. This we are planning to do under the
MUST program (Methodists United for Service and Training) for
training leadership through direct in-service experience in the city
and through the Hinton Rural Life Center training program. Both
of these are Methodist seed-financed but operated on an interde-
nominational basis, with Bill Webber, of God's Colony in Man's
World, directing MUST (Metropolitan-Urban Service Training)
in the city area and Cornelia Russell at Hinton.
We believe that missionaries can no longer stand aloof from
political and social needs either in the United States or overseas.
This may prove costly both in personnel and money. The Board of
Missions is feeling the loss of financial support because of its position
on social issues, where we feel we must take a stand if we are not
to betray our Lord.
The Church must find a more adequate way of using its lay
apostolate — men and women — who want to give a portion of their
lives to the service of the Church either at home or overseas. The
Peace Corps has made it crystal clear that people can be challenged
to the servant role in the interest of their fellowmen. What is the
matter with our system that we cannot get the same kind of response ?
Do we have too much creaking old machinery to which we cling
and which is hampering us in making the witness we are being
called to make?
When some of you fellows haven't anything much else to do, I
wish you would sit down, wipe from your minds all present Church
structures, and draw up a plan for the proclamation of the Gospel
and the witness of service on which you would like to see the Church
embark. Then send it to me.
There are some exciting pilot projects now in operation : the
teams in the Congo and Bolivia, doctors giving service of a year or
so at their own expense where needed ; a missionary asking to be
removed from the active list of missionaries so he can help a govern-
ment in its agricultural development plan; another who wants to
96
retain his status as a missionary but not be paid a salary. He thinks
he can share his faith better raising chickens, marketing- his produce,
talking with the people about how to raise better chickens that will
produce more eggs, etc.
What is the future of the missionary? I don't know. I do know
that there are yet millions of people who have never heard of Christ.
There are millions still sick and ignorant and hungry. There are
opportunities to witness in the secular world which we have never
really explored. The job is still with us; our task is to find the
way to do it.
Up to now, it seems to me, we have been long on the gathering
into our own churches in tight little segregated groups — racially,
economically, socially, denominationally — and into our seminaries,
pouring over theological and philosophical theories. It is time that
we put more time in learning how to scatter into the world.
The essential precondition is that we all remember constantly that
the mission is Christ's, not ours. For that reason it transcends our
organizations. We all stand alike under His judgment and mercy,
and none can claim finality or perfection. To seek first to safeguard
the interests, the activities, the sphere of influence of our church, our
mission board, our confessional body is in the end a denial of mission,
a refusal to be a servant. . . . We must ask of any proposal for new
work, new developments, new patterns of cooperation, not 'How will
this affect us?' but 'What is God's will in this situation?' Since the
mission is not ours but Christ's, any kind of claim to the sole control
of any area in the interests of one ecclesiastical body . . . seems to us
incompatible with a recognition of our common calling in Christ. . . .
(Gibson Winter)
Since the light has dawned in both the Catholic and the Protestant
churches, and we are aware that our Lord's prayer ''that they may
be one so that the world may believe" can become reality if we want
it badly enough to sacrifice our parochialism in the interest of that
unity, I believe a new day of mission is upon us. Let us not back
away from it.
At the invitation of the Pope, through the Secretariat for Unity
in Rome, three American women were asked to participate with
thirteen other Protestant women and fifteen Roman Catholic women
from around the world in a consultation on "The Role of Women in
Today's World" during the last session of Vatican Council IL I was
privileged to be one of the three American women.
One of the Catholic leaders confessed that Catholic women were
not experienced in organizing for action. The meeting itself was a
97
new experience. She commented on other innovations. The Mass
was a new experience for all of us. When the officiating priest asked
for prayers from the congregation, including the Protestants, and we
sang, "Come by Here" (Kum-Ba-Yah), while two women carried
the wine and the bread for Communion to the altar, we Protestants
also knew we were in a new day.
The question of the place of women in the church came to the
floor of the Vatican Council only when the subject of "The Church
in the Modern World" was discussed. The clergy had a bad
conscience when they had to be reminded that women are also part
of the church. However, the new role of women within the church
and the new possibilities for ecumenical contacts were explored
freely and honestly at the consultation.
All of the women, Protestants and Catholics alike, were hungry
for fellowship and the opportunity to find together the place of
women in the new world of cybernation, the family in a changed
society, the status of the working mother, the Christian responsibility
for social issues, and the role of the lay apostolate in the church.
A high point in the entire period was attendance at the session of
the Vatican Council on October 28, 1965, when five important
schemata were voted. Witnessing the display of medieval splendor
which accompanied the ceremony of the voting, which was done by
IBM cards and counted by machines, and the celebration of the Mass
by Pope Paul, I was a little shaken with uncertainty about where
Protestants and Catholics could find common ground.
Then I remembered preceding days — days of mutual sharing of
hymns and prayers, days of deep concern as people of God for the
life of the Church — and I became convinced again that there would
be a day when our Lord's prayer that "they may be one even as your
Father and I are one" could become reality.
Arthur Moore in WORLD OUTLOOK observes, "Vatican H
says clearly that reformation is not something that took place in the
16th century (or the 18th, or whenever we date our own institutional
beginning). Reformation is now and always, and it is never easy.
By the light of Vatican 11, we can see how dim our torches have
grown and how sound asleep we have fallen while waiting for the
bridegroom."
And Albert Outler, a Methodist contribution to the Council of
which we should be justly proud, writes, "In a world literally perish-
ing for redemptive love, we all have need of mutual exhortation and
98
each the right to rejoice at all charisms of the Spirit — now so
abundant in your midst — and hope for their full fruition.
"There will be no more meetings of this sort again in our lifetime.
Our ways from here lie in a thousand directions — all in God's keep-
ing, thank God. The splendors of Vatican II — this strange interlude
when we have been so strangely one — will fade and be filed in the
archives of our memories. But a new advent of the Holy Spirit has
happened in our world in our time — an epiphany of love that has
stirred men's hearts wherever they have glimpsed it incarnated. . . ."
To quote Dr. Outler further, "Our confidence is not in ourselves,
our vocations are not for ourselves and cannot be exercised by our-
selves. We are Christ's and our mission is in and for the world for
which Christ died."
Let us place a priority on compassionate concern for people —
pastoral care, and on learning to witness to a Gospel of love and
redemption, of reconciliation, and of hope to a nearly hopeless world.
Let us get out of these big, affluent, mouldy edifices built for a
day when people lived generation after generation in the same place
and be on our way as pilgrims confident that the work we do is His.
We are His and those whom we serve are His also, wherever they are
and under whatever conditions.
So what is mission? It is to be obedient to the servant Lord.
There we must leave it, trusting Him to bring the harvest.
Islamic Reflections on
Contemporary Theology
Kenneth Cragg
Visiting Professor of World Christianity, Union Theological Seminary
"And when My servants question thee (i.e. Muhammad) con-
cerning Me — I am near to answer the call of the caller, when he calls
to Me : so let them respond to Me and let them believe in Me." So
runs Surah 2: 186 of the Qur'an. The verse is quoted by Rashid
Ahmad in an article contributed, from within Islam, to a recent sym-
posium of articles in Twentieth Century^ on the "mortuary
theology". It is worth pondering. For it suggests that in the end we
are closer to the issues when we speak to God, rather than about
Him. The issue is not ultimately faced in merely discursive terms,
so that the loss of God (if such it be) can never be simply the end
of an idea. At least, the Quranic instinct here is to direct the
questioner into 'Godwardness' as an activity. "I am near to answer
the call of the caller." Men will never be 'callers' of God, that is,
theologians with doctrines and affirmations, until they are 'callers
upon Him' with yearnings and doxologies. For God, in the mag-
nificent phrase of Hebrews 4:13, is "He with whom there is to us
the word." It is in 'addressability,' the Qur'an insists, that the re-
ality of God is to be known. Such 'addressability' is only the other
side of 'responsibility', our capacity, that is, to kindle to the blessed
accessibility of the ultimate and the eternal.
Our purpose, however, from these beginnings, is not primarily
to analyze or retail Muslim expressions of reaction to our Western
pre-occupation with the survival of God. Our title, deliberately is
'Islamic,' rather than Muslim.^ The time is hardly ripe for any
discussion of what Muslims say on these themes. Rashid Ahmad is
only taken here as a sample and portent. But it is both possible and
legitimate to ponder the sort of reaction implicit in Islamic faith and
An address given in York Chapel, April 13, 1966, by the Warden of St.
Augustine's College, Canterbury.
1. No. 1027 (Autumn, 1965).
2. The distinction between 'Islamic' and 'Muslim' is a very useful one : the
former has to do with the ideological, the ideal, the definitive, within Islam ;
the latter with the actual, the empirical, what obtains among particular
Muslims, approximating, more or less, to the authentic.
100
outlook, and it is entirely feasible to venture some formulation from
without of what that reaction will involve and its likely direction of
concern. For both are readily ascertainable from the themes and
emphases of the Qur'an. There is, of course, plenty of 'secular' ex-
perience within the Muslim world and some very deliberate oc-
casions of 'secularization' of the state, as in Turkey under Atatiirk.
But this political movement towards the 'secular' should be carefully
distinguished from 'secularization' in the total sense, the will to
relativize all existence and to exclude the theological, the ontological
or the metaphysical dimension (however it be termed), and with it to
banish as irrelevant and demode the whole Godwardness of human
life, technology and experience. For Islam, by its very nature,
stands in and with the conviction that "there is no god but God"
and that all relativities, therefore, must confess and acknowledge
their partiality under Him, which, of course, they cannot do if their
pluralism is all. Islam, as long as it is true to itself, will never
'secularize' in those terms. Our purpose, then, is to reflect on the
implications, of this 'Islamic' passion for unity and sovereignty in
God, for the current 'Western' scene, where, for some time, there
has been the sinister assumption (to use Chesterton's familiar para-
dox) that "everything matters, except everything" and where some
theologians are vociferously finding in this exclusion of ultimacy
both a virtue and a liberating wisdom.
The Theme oj God Belongs to All
A heading that, surely, is redundant, Cela va sans dire. One
would think so. But one of the strangest aspects of current theologi-
cal exchanges in the Christian West is their almost entire neglect of
other faiths as having an 'interest' in their content and direction.
The death of God, we might say, is not to be unilaterally announced.
So our first task here, which ought not to have been necessary, is to
plead for some Western attention to other religions in these matters.
We must beware of assumptions that are marked unmistakably with
the legend 'Made in technology', at any rate to the extent that they
ignore, and perhaps despise, the whole significance of the world's
religions. We must have a mind for the psychology of human rela-
tionships and beware of a kind of perpetuated 'imperialism' of aur
secularized and secularizing assumptions. We in the West must be
on our guard lest we try to subdue all humanity to what is no more
than the rule of our super ego. As O. Mannoni has written in
101
Prospero and Caliban,^ other cultures may well "accept everything
in detail and refuse our civilization as a whole". There is too much
about our recent thinking, as in A. Van Leeuwen's Christianity and
World History* that is in grave danger of seeming like the persistent
and unhappy arrogance of Western man, his assumption (threaten-
ing to all human dignity, his own included) that he was born and
taught to set the course and call the tune for all mankind. It is, no
doubt, true that technology shapes all societies on all continents and
that its impact has an irreversible and irresistible quality. This fact
of 'Westernization' of the world is not in question. Yet 'Westerniza-
tion' of the whole is, plainly, a misnomer and we must give due, and
shall I say humble, weight to this truth of our whole humanity. We
need to listen as well as to lecture, to hearken rather than to hector.
The world of the religions in Asia and Africa has more significance
than to be treated as an 'adolescence' outgrown simultaneously with
our arrival in technocratic force. If this is to state the matter too
passionately, there is ample reason for the passion.
Harvey Cox, for example, in The Secular City makes a visit
of less than two pages (out of 276) to New Delhi and "streaks
away from it" (as he puts it) "in a matter of a few hours" to Rome,
Prague and Boston (significant cities all, to be sure), having dis-
cussed only one facet of his whole problem, namely the multi-religious
political community. There is similar short shrift to the real core
and essence of Asian faiths in Paul Tillich.^ When the reader
pauses to ponder how much in fact he has encountered the other faiths
in these discussions of 'encounter' the answer has to be extremely
modest. Dr. Van Leeuwen, despite the wide range and erudition
of his Christianity and World History, does not bring his reader
into the 'experience' of Hinduism, or Buddhism or Islam, into the
enlightenment, the self-disposition, the discipleship, their peoples
seek. Nor does he appear to set any store by that sort of concern.
Rather, he writes :
We seem (saving word maybe) to be witnessing the arrival of a new
type of man . . . the modern technological revolution is part only of
a larger revolutionary process which seems likely to uproot and
destroy the corner stone of all human society as we have known it
hitherto . . . that corner stone is religion.®
3. Translated from the Italian (New York, 1964), p. 23. A very penetrating
work on the psychology of colonization.
4. Translated from the Dutch (London, 1964).
5. E.g. Clvristianity and the Encounter of World Religions, 1963, and Ulti-
mate Concern: Tillich in Dialogue, 1965.
6. Op. cit., pp. 401-2.
102
In this same context the faiths of Asia and Africa are "nothingness."'
We have here, it would seem, a very serious tendency to a sort
of corporate Western 'egoism' in the assessment of human existence.
There must surely be a distinction always alive in our minds between
the ubiquity of technology on the one hand and the universal pre-
tensions of pragmatism, or technocracy, or whatever be the Western
preference, on the other. This distinction surely rides with very
profound considerations, of psychology and humility, to which we are
indifferent at our peril.
It is striking to note in this connection that the deeper, dramatic
and poetic, 'explorers' of the West in the West have been involved,
in their attitudes, if not in their terminology, and in their unwitting,
if not their conscious, expression, with the burdens and wistfulness
of Eastern thinkers. They are raising, perhaps in particular Euro-
pean form, the wistful questions of ancient Asia about the meaning
of individual personality and the frustrations of desire. Our very
technology and our 'scientism' have sharpened the 'loss of selfhood'
which so much Eastern philosophy has known oppressively over long
centuries. Had this phenomenon been recognized and truly mea-
sured, it might have stayed the eager, sometimes almost vulgar, op-
timism and Continental parochialism of some contemporary theo-
logians who make so obvious a virtue of their religious independence
of the rest of wistful mankind as mirrored in the ancestral question-
ings of the religious world beyond the white orbit. We would do
well to get away from the notion that the religious future of man is
subject only to our prognostications and get on to some more ter-
restrial range of counsel and conjecture about the future and God.
When we do so, it may be highly salutary for our thoughts as it
will be healthy for our humility. One random example must here
suffice. We take it from the discipline nearest to hand, namely
Judaism. Writing in Judaism, Dr. Eugene Borowitz early this year
remarks :
If in the name of honesty and clarity religion must undergo a major
reconstruction, should there not first be an honest and clear statement
of how one can be certain that the secular mood is fundamental, not
superficial, permanent, not ephemeral?^
The question is most apposite and the raising of it only one of the
services Jewish instinctive thinking holds for extra- Jewish discourse
about God. We are all so familiar with the culture-stance, the time-
7. Ibid., p. 416.
B.Judaism, Vol. 15, 1 (1966), p. 89.
103
subjectivism of earlier writers, we are often quite incapable of
recognizing our own. We know, for example, that Jefifersonian
philosophy was shaped by the necessity to shape and subdue a con-
tinental unknown, and that, therefore, God tended to be conceived as
the supreme artificer, the great fashioner of things and the rewarder
of the diligent.^ We have had so much longer than previous genera-
tions to appreciate the time-climate within which our thinking pro-
ceeds. Yet all too readily our secularizers persist in absolutizing
themselves. So the first question has to be whether in truth the
religious dimension is archaic, passe, outgrown and effete. And in
this fundamental issue we must beware of the all-too-frequent sug-
gestion these days that there is only one conclusion open to the
'honest'. We have had enough of this adjective as a quality to be
denied our neighbors : we need to make it exclusively apply to a
searching of ourselves. For, plainly, if one says with Altizer : "They
who refuse the death of God do so in bad faith" ^^ (and this refrain is
repeated by implication in all such phrases as "the only honest thing
to do is. . ."), then whoever disagrees is, ipso facto, short on integrity
(or of course just stupid — massive ignorance, if not vested interest).
But serious theological discourse is foreclosed if all who diverge from
oneself are rogues or fools. To have this implication is to damage
all intercourse and to deprive ourselves, most unhappily, of the
relevance of our neighbor's obstinacy. In making this plea, here, for
a return to theological courtesy, modesty and gaiety (the word is
not misplaced for there is so much stridency in our time), I am sim-
ply drawing attention to the implications it has for a more patient,
attentive, Christian sense of the other faiths, in their ultimate sig-
nificance and their human susceptibility. Our discussions of God are
not domestic matters. Indeed it is fair to say that where theology
is the concern there are no outsiders. It is indeed a perverted
notion of 'election' for any to imagine, or imply, that they have a
sole prerogative, not to serve God, but to bury Him. Much of
Western secularity gives the impression of such a delusion and must,
therefore, be repudiated not, here, for merits or demerits in the
argument itself, but for sheer pretension in the monopoly of it.
If, then, we need to hearken much more to the silence beyond
our words, to unspoken religiousness around our assertive "beyond-
Godness", Islam will plainly be among the most significant areas of
9. See, for example, D. J. Boorstin : The Lost World of Thomas Jefferson
(1948).
10. In "Theology and Contemporary Sensibility."
1(H
our relationship. For there is no greater commitment in all human
history to the sense of sovereign Lordship and inalienable Divinity.
So we return where we began, to a desire to set down in some brief
form some themes of an Islamic reaction to the thinkers and pub-
licists these pages have in mind. The hope is that as well as illustrat-
ing the potential of this inter-religious engagement over 'religion',
the summary themes that follow will also serve to exemplify and
illustrate the content of Islamic faith. We begin with the fact that
was first in Muhammad's mission and dominant in the whole purpose
of the Qur'an, namely the fact of idolatry as cardinal sin.
Islam against Shirk
The insistent and perpetual conoclasm of Islam belongs with
the whole mysterious 'possibility' of idolatry, and it is important
for us to recognize its significance. This is a world in whicli it is
freely possible for men to be idolaters, and the very meaning and
reproach of idolatry is that it is an alienation from a true worship.
Both facts must be held together. If there is no proper worth-ship,
there is no idolatry. The latter is inherently a perversion, a misdirec-
tion of what rightly belongs elsewhere. The uncompromising Islamic
quarrel with the idolatrous exposes this profoundly significant fact
about the God in Whose Name, and from Whose claims, it censures
the idolater; namely, that this is a world, a human world, in which
false worships are entirely feasible, feasible as part of the whole
situation which demands and admits of a true one.
Much is written these days as if it were a 'discovery' that men
can get along very well without God. There is no 'discovery' in this
option : it has been implicit always in the very nature of the theologi-
cal situation. Possibly in purely intellectualist terms God is no
longer seen (or in that sense 'required') as the 'cause' of what we are
able to explain. (Though we must add that God, rightly understood,
has never been a supersedable 'explanation' that science would pro-
gressively eliminate. God's being has to do, by contrast, with
explicability as a whole, with the dependability and rationality of a
'cosmos' within which 'natural,' i.e. non-superstitious, 'causations'
can be sought, found and harnessed.) But a God, thus intellectually
invoked for causal functions and now dispensable, has always been
morally and spiritually 'negligible' if men so opted and desired. For
this operative 'negligibility' of the living God is the central moral
fact of man's vocation to the love of Him. Thus we hear too much
about 'liberation' allegedly resulting from the elimination of the
105
Divine dimension and of 'imposition' while it lasted. "Behold I stand
at the door and knock" has always been a deep truth of the Christ
and for that very reason an abiding 'shape' of the Divine relationship
to man. Nothing is clearer from the Old Testament than the fact
that the real atheism is not the God we deny so much as the God we
ignore, the God for Whom we make substitutes and from Whom we
divert a due obedience. He is at once the God Who can only be
'had' as God in a free worship and from Whom to pseudo-gods we
may turn at our behest. As the Qur'an has it, "there is no com-
pulsion in religion," and there is nothing involuntary in the kingdom
of Heaven.
To this fact of the theological 'situation' we are clearly and
urgently directed by the Islamic controversy with the idolaters. Men
may embrace, if they so intend, their plural, selfish, separatist, 'abso-
lutes' falsely so invoked and served. Thus the very credal con-
fession of the living God, the right ultimate, the worthy absolute, can
only be made in a negative repudiation of the false deities. "There
is no god" stands, then, as the necessary prelude to the affirmation,
"but God." And it is not a denial that can be simply and effortlessly
made in merely technological terms or from 'technocratic' 'freedoms'.
That ontological declaration, in both its negative and positive con-
cern, "There is no god but God," holds within itself the profoundest
religious issue. "There is no. . ." involves as a statement the deepest
struggle for the transcendent. For the 'gods' which do not exist yet
do exist. A fear that has no warrant can yet terrorize. Likewise a
worship that has no true authority can yet dominate, asserting and
asserted without right. "An idol," says St. Paul, "is nothing," a
non-entity. Yet, for all that, the 'non-entity' may be 'had' by
perverse or mistaken man as a veritable idol. Idols are, in fact, the
foci of men's desertion of God. And while a sound and 'rational'
theology, or a 'secularity', may deny or scout their existence, they still
epitomize man's waywardness. This of course is the reason for the
significant distinction between saying, in terms of the Islamic
Shahadah, "there is no god. . ." and, in the language of the Decalogue,
"having none other gods but" Him. The whole logic of Muhammad's
career, his invocation of power and his decision to reach for state-
hood, are bound up with this crucial difference between the preacher's
denial of the deities and the apostle's achievement of a 'dispossessing'
of them by and in his listeners. Or, put in other terms, the issue of
the transcendence of God is not merely prepositional, still less
106
rhetorical. It requires a moral and spiritual unification of the soul's
awareness of truth and troth. It is, in a word, 'religious'. Idols will
still be anarchically 'had' by men long after they have been credally
exposed or intellectually disqualified.
This, of course, is the reason why themes of theology adinit of no
neutrality. The "god of the gap" notion, the 'god' who becomes
progressively redundant with the increase of man's empire of ex-
planation, is for this reason so sore a travesty, so trite a confusion.
What is significant is the god of the no-vacuum, (if the phrase is
feasible), the god, that is, whom men will 'enthrone', be he race, class,
profit, party, self, business, Baal, Mammon, Venus or Mars. One
cannot look to these to abdicate in favor of a kind of pragmatic
neutrality, where men will enjoy some benign sort of plural tolerance
of diversified preferences. On the contrary, the confession of the
pseudo-quality of all false absolutes and, what is even more crucial,
their dethronement only happen in the confession and submission
before the true, a conclusion to which the whole inner logic of Islam
moves. One cannot affirm God without in concept and loyalty saying
a decisive 'No' to every false pretender. And, by the same token, it
is only such a 'No' which validates and preserves the substance
within those false 'absolutes' and gives them their authenticity as
relative. For there are no idols, however primitive, which could have
acquired that perverted status without a relatively proper place in
human life and love.
All these lessons are latent in the Islamic militancy against Shirk,
against every alienation of what is Divinely due so that it is falsely
'rendered'. They are, it may be added, exemplified most clearly in
the explicitly 'religious' field itself. Even a denunciation of deities
can become itself idolatrous : we may use God, as well as 'gods', to
escape Him. As Bonhoeffer has it, he who is guided by duty alone
will find himself doing duty to the Devil.^^ That religions run the
perpetual risk of establishing the most chronic idolatries is no marvel ;
it is the hazard of their meaning and their business. But neither
their business nor their hazard are understood if we blithely suppose
that the one cancels out the other — which seems to be the conclusion
of some contemporary thinking.
So we return to ponder the Islamic concern about the idols. It
is one from which we can never escape into 'atheism'. For 'atheism'
has meaning (and very much meaning indeed) only as a controversy
about the right worship. The progress of religion is emphatically
11. See / Loved This People (London, 1965), p. 20.
107
strewn with the wreckage of deities. There is always the God beyond
God, the No ! for the Yes ! and the Yes ! in the No ! But it is Yes ! in
the end and only so the case for the No ! "The death of God" insofar
as it has meaning is a theme within His livingness. And 'religion-
lessness', where it is not a delusion or a presumption, is none other
than the critical self-awareness of faith. There is much to justify
the claim that Islamic concepts of Shirk as an alienated worship in
which men are 'falsified' in misdirected 'godwardness' provide a re-
markable and still, for our part, little used touchstone for our present
concerns. For, as the Qur'an implied where we began, questions of
God are really issues of worship.
'Signs' and Significance
Another, and kindred, field of Qur'anic thought, of which we do
well from outside Islam to take patient stock, is that of "the signs of
God". From one angle there is nothing Biblically new or unfamiliar
about this emphasis. On the contrary, it is plainly within one in-
stinctive Hebraic kinship. The realm of the natural order, for the
Qur'an, is a sphere of experience of mercy and compassion. We
have to do with events, harvests, pregnancy, spring and autumn,
wells and winds, flocks and farms, and in that perennial sequence of
'natural' sustenance and 'preservation' are invited, if we are observant
and grateful, to perceive and confess a related grace. There is
nothing new in this attitude and it can readily be dismissed as 're-
ligious' and 'enchanted'. Yet it persists and we with it. It suggests
that there is a sort of sacrament in which the natural order bespeaks
another, in which the garden-gardener relationship (in mutuality) is
acknowledged for a 'reciprocity'. There is nothing of course 'un-
scientific' in this. For the emotion pre-supposes the exploiting right
and competence. Yet it is, of course, profoundly religious and con-
stitutes another of those persistent simplicities with which the
Qur'anic reader is confronted. Nature, he is told, is a realm of
Divine signs in which the events of the one realm are the intimations
of another and where we are most 'technological' as manipulators we
may also be most reverent as receivers and dependents.
What is involved here can perhaps, with some risk, be brought to
focus through an incidental discussion of the word 'profane'. Let
Harvey Cox take over :
Pro-fane means literally 'outside the temple', thus 'having to do with
this world.' By calling him 'profane' we do not suggest that secular
man is sacrilegious, but that he is unreligious. He views the world
108
not in terms of some other world but in terms of itself. He feels that
any meaning to be found in this world originates in this world itself.
Profane man is simply this-worldly.^^
The desire here to penetrate to an etymological original in the word
is quite legitimate, though in point of fact profanus is already in
Latin 'sacrilegious', 'hostile to the temple'. If, however, we want
to recover implications from its genesis as a word, we had better do
so more radically and doing so, find a clue, slight perhaps but yet
entire, to our whole problem. Pro is strictly, not 'outside' (cf. extra)
but 'in front of or 'before'. Pro-janum is, then, 'in front of the
temple' and by etymological device would invite us to visualize the
world in which the temple stands as the porch to it.^^ So then the
entire world makes the precincts of sanctity. There is, extensively,
around the shrine, what is intensively within it. (It should be noted
that 'profanity' in this analysis is not 'confanity' or 'f?.rfra-fanity'.)
Then the sacred is not some abstraction from this world but the world
itself under one essential aspect. It is just this to which "the signs
of God" in the Qur'an refer.
From this perspective we begin to detect the fallacies in Cox's
sentiments — fallacies that are rampant in our time. We, with him,
are viewing the world in terms of itself, but these do not exclude a
'eucharist' within the visible, a sacramental within the scientific.
'Sacrilegious' it is agreed is excluded. Yet ignoring the sacral, which
is the meaning of sacrilege (if ignoring is not too mild a word), is,
it would seem, just what 'secular' in Cox's context seems to be
required to mean. Meaning, of course, "originates in this world", for
that is where our senses are ; and a 'sacramental' perception is deeply
this-worldly but, jor that very reason, must pause and wonder, stoop
and admire, stay and praise. If by 'unreligious' we mean a utilitarian,
obtuse, or simply casual, neglect of this situation then we are neither,
in the strict sense, pro-janum, nor human, nor scientific.
Whether or not the particular etymology here will carry all that
either Cox or I intend, the main issue is unmistakable. In the last
analysis the whole concept of the 'secular' (not sacrilegious) depends
upon the sacred. We cannot have the one posture towards reality if
there is no other. Were 'secularization' so one-sidedly urgent it
could never have been identified as a necessity. It is, at best, a cor-
12. Op. cit., p. 60-1.
13. One might perhaps compare the remark of Thomas Trahcrne ahout
the world of his senses as "the visible porch and gateway of eternity."
109
rection of improper piety (of which more a paragraph on), at worst
a tragic misconception.
So, I would plead, let us have done with this much invoked
'disenchantment'. Whatever Max Weber may have initially meant
by this, it has been most pathetically distorted by our contemporary
"demise of God" school to the great impoverishment of the poetry,
the music, the joyousness, even the impishness, of our lives. Since
man has decided no longer to bother about them, are there no more
any mysteries? The world, emphatically, is not 'disenchanted' —
least of all in technology. Let us invoke St. fixupery, or Dag
Hammarskjold, figures of the modern world indeed, and ask with
them why it should be supposed that men with their machines were
only 'rehgiously oriented' while they remained respectively plough-
men and ploughs, or why the planets should be fascinating only to
shepherds and not to astronauts. 'Defatalization' ? Yes! The end of
the deus ex machina? Yes! But the end of perpetual surprise? No!
Or of the urge to be cosmically grateful ? No ! We have great need
to distinguish resolutely between a world subject to man and a world
devoid of God; a world explained and exploited by science and a
world drained of religious delight and reverent awe. For they are
not identical. The former is a legitimate and exciting fact, the latter
a fiction of a damnable opaqueness of human sensitivity, not to be
exonerated by pleas of emancipation from 'religion'. What is valid
in secularization is not rightly identified that way.
Where, then, does its validity lie? It lies, simply, in the rejection
of the dichotomy the other way round, the refusal of an abstracted
piety which fails to live in this world, which either through timidity
or pride withdraws from the concreteness of daily life and prefers
some kind of censure or aloofness vis-a-vis the ordinary world of
things and fellows. This is the context in which, with Bonhoeffer
(otherwise so sadly maligned by his supposed devotees), we may
urge a holy worldliness, a confidence in God within history that
need not shrink from present situations either in nostalgia or re-
proach, a will fully to be contemporary and to receive the technologi-
cal 'shape' of things with positive energy and hope. But these
postures will still need their focus and their 'intensification' in cult
and prayer, in sacrament and song. These instruments of their
expression, however, will not become ends in themselves, or excuses
for withdrawal.
You may remember, in Steinbeck's Grapes of Wrath the old
man's burial on the great trek and the fear of his family lest they be
110
suspected, through an impromptu, private disposal of the corpse, of
foul play, and who, accordingly, insert a 'clearing' statement with the
body that he died of natural causes and they had no resources for
official burial. Then one of the women-folk suggests they add a text
to this recital, "so", as she explains, "so as it'll be religious". Every-
thing valid in the 'secular' protest is implicit in the insistence that
these acts of a reverent family are already 'religious' and that no texts
or flourishes can add to that essential quality. Their sense of awe in
the midst of death, their simple solidarities, even their worthy fears
about being misunderstood, their urge to a reverent, 'clean' honesty —
all these bear unmistakably the mark of 'religious' integrity. As an
addendum "making their activity 'religious' " the text would be little
short of blasphemous. Or as Lincoln might have put it : "We cannot
hallow, ... we cannot consecrate this ground. . . ." There lies the es-
sential irrelevance of the artificially 'religious' form which "can
neither add nor detract". Nevertheless, given that inner quality, the
external 'token' or 'rite' or 'quotation' (whatever it be) may serve to
'intensify' and communicate the intangible emotion and seal it in its
bearers' breasts.
Or, in other language, one cannot absolutize the negation of the
sacred; one can only castigate its perversion. If one quotes from
Jesus, for example : "The sabbath was made for man, not man for
the sabbath," the second clause is clearly only true in the meaning of
the first. In one sense, "man is made for the sabbath ;" he is, that is,
the sort of being for whom a hallowing of intermittent rest is due
and mete. He is "made" a being congenial to the sabbatical benedic-
tion. If this is not so, the first and ruling clause also collapses. The
point becomes clearer if one says : "Love was made for man, not man
for love." Outside the import of the first clause here, the second
becomes a tragic falsehood. Or consider the statement so apposite to
secular science: "Theory is made for experiment, not experiment
for theory." The first clause sets down the paramountcy of empiri-
cal investigation which no mere hypothesis can or should impede.
Yet empiricism itself is impossible except there be some theory, albeit
properly subordinate, to prompt and suggest experiment.
It is in something of this order that "the sacred was made for the
secular, not the secular for the sacred," though properly in this case
the propositions are indeed reversible: "The secular is made for the
sacred, not the sacred for the secular." But the really imperative
thing is that they be seen as inseparable and the choice i^etween the
two pairs determined, in large measure, by the current opaqueness or
obtuseness.
Ill
It is just in a right holding together of our hallowed and our
exploitable world that the Islamic concept of "the signs of God" in
nature may truly help us.^^ Christianity, for internal reasons relating
to priesthood and grace, has been of all the monotheisms most prone
to tension at this point. Islam, at all events, and Judaism even more,
can educate us in a better sense of the goodness of creation and the
inter-dependence of both the dimensions which much of our thinking
has lately set in competition.
This theme of nature is important for another reason. There
has been, in quite diverse quarters in Christian theology, a sharp
imagined, or asserted, cleavage between nature and history. The
God of the Bible, we are told, is "the God of history, not the God of
nature". This is a fantastic verdict. "The heavens declare the
glory of God," sang the psalmist. "O Lord, how manifold are Thy
works," he went on with the external world in mind. Truly there is
the 'history' : the Exodus and the Exile, the "holy history" in which,
as the Bible declares, God is disclosed, directly to "His people", the
participants in that Exodus, and via the Scriptures descriptively to
the rest of us. The pivotal New Testament history is experienced
and mediated in the same sense and there is incorporation now by
re-enactment in the kerygma and the fellowship. Yet none of this
displaces or repels the awareness of God and His wisdom accessible
in the natural order. It is, moreover, the natural order which, un-
like the sacred history, "makes all men kin", since they are all by
immediacy its denizens. There are endless diversities of natural
habitat, but there are no "chosen people" in respect of "life out of the
dust of the ground". "The signs of God" are of One with Whom
indifferently we have all to do. There is no adequate consensus to
discount them in our private, or current, refusal or inability to be
impressed.
Man, the Khalljah.
Our final field of necessary openness to Islamic criteria has to do
with Qur'anic doctrines of man. The crucial term here is the
khattfah (Surah 2:30). Man in creation is seen Qur'anically as
God's 'deputy'. He actually takes the place of God. (The more
familiar political Caliphate of rulers to Muhammad is no concern of
the Qur'an. What matters there is Adam's 'dominion'.) Man in
the world is seen as servant-master. Not the one without the other.
14. For brevity here one may refer to the writer's The Dome and the Rock
(London, 1964), where this theme is more fully documented.
112
He is over things because he is under God. His being in mastery
and submission belong together; the stuff of his kingship is the
material of his obligation. This leaves room for all that is valid in
the 'secular' emphasis, but sees it within the claims we know as
'religious'. Even science itself may be seen, in a vital sense, as an
activity of worship, since it proceeds always by a self-surrendering
fidelity to truth, an 'oblation' of one's mind in the discipline of ob-
jectivity. Certainly the works of science applied to the making of
cities, the shaping of civilization, the possession of the good earth, are
'responsible', in their impact in the human situation, to criteria be-
yond the mere question of technological feasibility. It is all 'con-
textual' and broadens out into the economic, the social, the legal, the
cultural, the educational, the poetic. In all these realms it is also
on the ubiquitous frontier with the ultimate, the eternal, and with
the claims of an accountability that is more than utility, more than
preference, more than passivity, more than politics. Or, if it is only
these things, they and it are idolatrous, with an idolatry that not
only defies God but denies man. For in the last analysis we shall
only know what we mean by God when we are fully alive to what we
mean as men. The Qur'anic role of the kfiallfah, Adam, is the point
of their inter-section.
For many contemporary thinkers the world of man is somehow
only authentic as man has it to himself: This, finally, is what 'secu-
larization' means. There is, too, a corresponding complaint that the
old world of Divine presence no longer makes sense. It is puzzling
sometimes to understand how what has no place has yet to be
studiously denied and outspokenly talked out. Yet the puzzle has a
disconcerting secret if it be read as the form that present doubts
have required our experience of God to take. If so the latter will
yet again ripen into fresh conviction, not by the loss of the sacred but
by the recovery of the secular, not by any antithesis of human free-
dom and Divine worship but by the single repossession of both.
Meantime it will be our wisdom to refrain from a pontifical
Western monopoly of the diagnosis of man and a proud Western
sufficiency in the disposal of God.
The Embassy of Christ:
The Church's Ministry in International
Relations
Alan Geyer
Director for International Relations, Council for Christian Social Action,
United Church of Christ*
There may have been a time when the subject of Christianity and
international relations had little status and could expect only a cool
reception from men of affairs. But recent events have put a new
face on the subject : it is now definitely "in" — it has status and
prestige. The remarkable Convocation on Pacem in Terris a year
ago gave it a very big boost. Among the boosters were Vice-Presi-
dent Hubert Humphrey, who addressed the Convocation's opening
session in the UN's General Assembly Hall. His efifort was typically
earnest, impassioned, and long-winded. When he at length con-
cluded. Assembly President Alex Quaison-Sackey of Ghana sought
to compliment the Vice-President. "Your inspiring words tonight,"
he said, "have reminded me of other memorable speakers whose
eloquence has sounded in this great hall in the past. Eleanor Roose-
velt— may she rest in peace. Dag Hammarskjold — may he rest in
peace. John F. Kennedy — may he rest in peace. Nehru — may he
rest in peace. Nikita Khrushchev — may he . . . uh . . . that is . . . who
has also spoken here." The uncertainty concerning Mr. Khrushchev's
whereabouts and welfare that evening just three months after his fall
from power made the invocation of his memory a bizarre intervention
in the Convocation, to say the least.
Last fall, Pope Paul VI came to speak in the Assembly Hall. It
was an auspicious occasion not only for Catholics but for all men of
religious faith. The Pope said : "We are very ancient ; We here
represent a long history; We here celebrate the epilogue of a weary-
ing pilgrimage in search of a conversation with the entire world."
That remarkable phrase, the Church as a "pilgrimage in search of a
conversation with the entire world," is my point of departure in this
* Dr. Geyer, a Methodist minister, was formerly chairman of the Political
Science Department, Mary Baldwin College, Staunton, Virginia. He is the
author of Piety and Politics (John Knox Press, 1963).
114
paper. Without presuming to know all that the Pontiff intended by
the phrase, I find it filled with meaning for the conception I have
of the Church's ministry in international relations. It suggests that
the Church must be engaged in a relentless dialogue with the political
communities of all the earth.
Reuel Howe has written that both religious people and politicians
tend to think and to speak monologically, exaggerating their own
claims to truth while falsifying the aims and character of their op-
ponents. "An all too prevailing attitude among church people is
that the Church has much to say to the world but that the world has
nothing to say that the Church should hear. . . . Those who proclaim
[the Word of God] have as much responsibility to understand the
word of man as they do the Word of God in order that they may
help men to recognize and accept their need of God's word." Their
great need is to open themselves up to "the miracle of dialogue".
To say that Christianity must engage the world of nations in dia-
logue is to say that both religious and political commitments are
important, that these commitments must be related, but that neither
must swallow up the other because each needs the other. God speaks
through both, not just through the Church. Christopher Fry's
recent play about Thomas a Becket, Curtmanfle, contains a striking
dialogue between Henry H and Becket, then serving as Chancellor
but whom Henry also proposes now to make Archbishop Canter-
bury. Becket at first resists the invitation:
BECKET
HENRY:
One thing is simple.
Whoever is made Archbishop will very soon
Offend either you, Henry, or his God.
I'll tell you why. There is a true and living
Dialectic between the Church and the state
Which has to be argued for ever in good part.
It can't be broken off or turned
Into a clear issue to be lost or won.
It's the nature of man that argues;
The deep roots of disputation
Which dig in the dust, and formed Adam's body.
So it's very unlikely, because your friend
Becomes Primate of England, the argument will end.
.... Together we have understood
The claims men have on us
And how to meet them. Whatever your office
This truth is unalterable, the truth being one.
115
BECKET:
The truth, like everything else,
being of three dimensions,
And men so placed, they can stake their lives
on the shape of it
Until by a shift of their position, the shape
Of truth has changed.
But, of course, Becket finally relents. He accepts his appoint-
ment as Archbishop of Canterbury, only to be caught in the power
struggle he feared and finally to be martyred. Yet Becket's original
insight v\'as profound. There are three dimensions of historical truth.
The "shape of truth" inevitably changes v^hen one moves from the
religious to the political stance. It is in the nature of man and
history that there should be "a true and living dialectic betvv^een
the Church and the State which has to be argued for ever". God
uses each order to judge and redeem the other, just as the enemies
of ancient Israel were used to judge and redeem her. The Church
must argue with the State whenever the State claims too much for
itself. The State must resist the imperial claims of the Church and
must be prepared, through its own secular witness, to show the
Church the meaning of justice and freedom.
Christian dialogue with the world of nations is a most vital
function of the office of "ambassadors for Christ" engaged in "the
ministry of reconciliation". It is but a slight embellishment of
these marvelous phrases of St. Paul to speak of the Church as "the
Embassy of Christ" — as the very place where people come to know
what human relationships are intended to be, above and beyond all
the brokenness and bitterness of the world which does not know
itself to be in Christ. I am not a theologian, but here at the very core
of Christian faith is the infinitely creative doctrine which unites
theology and politics, faith and power, love and justice: the minis-
try of reconciliation.
The distinctive work of the Embassy of Christ must always be
done in the very places where personal relationships are most es-
tranged. It is to identify with the stake of human struggle in all of
its hostility and anguish and alienation and fear. Yet so often and
so sadly this special work has not been done. The Protestant
churches of the 19th and early 20th centuries never really under-
stood the grievances of the laboring classes in America until, in a
116
sense, it was too late — and labor's own leadership in its secular
success had become frankly hostile or indifferent to the church.
White Protestant churches never mobilized their resources to redeem
the common life of the inner city until they had run away and left
vast ghettoes of the black and the poor. Protestantism never seriously
plunged into the struggle for civil rights until, as Ralph McGill has
put it, the drama was nearly over and there was only a bit part left
to play.
What is the distinctive work of the Embassy of Christ in inter-
national relations? I cannot give you the memoirs of a veteran of
this ministry speaking from his long experience, but only the testi-
mony of a tenderfoot as to his aspirations.
I
The first, most distinctive, and least dramatic task of the Em-
bassy of Christ is to nurture its own people in the disciplines of
dialogue itself. This is more than a matter of pedagogical method :
it is a whole-souled cultivation of the preconditions of authentic
Christian community in a world which is rapidly losing all remnants
of tribal community under the onslaughts of technology, mobility,
and revolution. It is to prepare in a radically new way for the en-
counter of person with person in ever-deepening levels of mutual
criticism and mutual appreciation. It is a human possibility only be-
cause it is first of all a diznne gift. It is to be made ready, even and
especially in the modern world, for the miracle of reconciliation. It
is a profoundly grace-jid nurture in which men, women, and chil-
dren grow in their capacities to articulate the fragments of truth
which they perceive and to do so with courage and with modesty ; to
listen receptively to the offerings of other men, women, and children
to the common treasury of the conversation ; and to he responsive
to every significant possibility of agreement and action. It is to know
when to stand up and speak and when to sit down and shut up. It is
to make possible what Martin Buber called "experiencing the other
side". It is to be spiritually equipped to face controversy creatively
and even gratefully.
This may not sound like the international relations ministry of
the church. It seems remote from the substantive issues of foreign
policy. And, to be sure, it is a task which ranges far far beyond the
feeble resources of specialized staffs in New York and Washington
and all of the social commissions whom we serve. It must engage
117
pastors and laymen throughout every aspect of the life of congrega-
tions and the wider realms of church life. It is perhaps more the
province of worship and preaching, pastoral care and Christian edu-
cation, than it is the province of the social action bureaucrats. Yet it
is a vital pre-political task with vast consequences for the way in
which Christian people engage the world.
There are patterns of dialogue which are the special concern of
the international relations ministry. Two of these patterns are closely
related : closing the gap between ministerial and lay opinion leaders
and between religious professionals and government professionals.
The social action crowd has too long been a line-up of preachers and
women confronting lay men whose churchmanship consists principal-
ly of raising money, recruiting members, and protecting their institu-
tional investments in both money and membership — all worthy tasks
which, however, in isolation from the whole gospel foster a stifling
conservatism incapable of true dialogue in a world rampant with
revolution.
During the late summer of both 1964 and 1965, it has been my
privilege to cross the Atlantic and to share in the life of the Confer-
ence on Christian Approaches to Defense and Disarmament — ^a group
whose title may be conveniently if unfortunately reduced to the ini-
tials "CCADD". This is originally an Anglo-German fellowship
which invited American participants to Friedewald Castle near Bonn
and to Ditchley Park near Oxford. Quite apart from the rewards of
international conversation, about which we shall say more presently,
the exposure to conversation among German churchmen and among
English churchmen themselves was revealing. One of the revelations
was the capacity of religious professionals, on the one hand, and
policy-makers and military officers on the other to communicate with
each other as Christians — and to communicate graciously at levels
of profound concern and insight. In the case of the Germans, I be-
lieve that the dialogical experience of the lay academies in the twenty
years since the "zero hour" of a shattered but renascent German
Church accounts largely for the capacity to communicate. In the
British case, it may be more of a reflection of the extent to which that
tight little island is a city-state centered in London where church-
men, scholars, politicians, civil servants, generals and admirals all
seem to move in a single orbit and can approach each other familiar-
ly and fraternally. There is also a conspicuous absence in the process
of British policy-making of that jungle of lobbying which, in the
118
United States, often seems to force the churches into a belligerent
sectarian activism which aHenates them even from their own con-
stituents who happen to serve in government or the military.
These national comparisons may be overdrawn, but I do believe that
the Protestant Churches of America can learn from British and Ger-
man experience some of the secrets of Christian dialogue in mat-
ters of foreign policy, even if we cannot reproduce the same religious
and political environments.
One of these secrets is a capacity for restraint in religious pro-
nouncements upon political issues. Pronouncements there must be,
especially when representative church leaders achieve a high degree
of consensus on both the urgency of their speaking and the content
of their judgment. It is when the churches themselves are sharpl}
divided that religious leaders should speak with an extra measure
of restraint. Abraham Lincoln's old complaint about churchmen
who claim equally to represent the will of God but whose prophetic
voices proclaim the most opposite opinions serves as eternal remin-
der of the moral burden of the policy-maker. American policy-makers
today have good reason to complain about the lack of restraint in
moral discussion of their policies in Viet Nam when the churches
themselves are lacking in significant agreement.
There are other good reasons for restraint on occasions when the
urge rises to pronounce prophetic judgments, such as understanding
the limitations within which any particular government official must
work.
II
The Embassy of Christ, second, must always bring the dimen-
sion of historical meaning to its dialogue with the world : God's his-
tory, man's history, and the encounters between God and man and
between communities of men. It is not really very difficult for us to
state important Christian principles which bear upon international
relations. What is terribly difficult is to perceive the embodiment of
these principles in the concrete historical life of nations and gov-
ernments and policy-makers. In the human world of the policy-
makers, faith and its principles must engage established policies, new
facts, conflicting evidence, competing claims, limited resources, laws,
jealousies, uncertainties, confusion, the necessities of compromise,
pressures from above and below and from allies and enemies, guilt
and pride concerning the past, hope and fear concerning the future —
119
and all of these and more in a unique historical configuration in
every moment of choice. It is not enough to have "ethical principles"
which can be "applied" to the problems of foreign policy. One must
put one's self, as far as possible, on the inside of the dilemmas of
government and work steadily to cultivate that indispensable re-
source in all statesmanship : wisdom — wisdom concerning the how,
and the when, and the wherewithal high principles may be actual-
ized, incarnated in the living arena of historical struggle where no
human victory is ever complete or permanent. Nothing is more
fatuous on the part of Christian moralists than a fervent preoccupa-
tion with "principles" to the disdain of the singular junctures which
are God's earthen vessels for the in-historization (if I may use that
wonderful word which I once heard some smart theologian pro-
nounce!) of His almighty purposes.
Ethics which does not take history seriously is not Christian
ethics. A nineteenth-century German chaplain, offended by the politi-
cal behavior of German statesmen, once put to Bismarck this ques-
tion: "Don't you think politics should be more moral?" To which
Bismarck replied : "Yes, but then morality would have to become more
political." The prevailing morality of American Protestantism, as
it confronts the problems and the challenges of foreign policy, is
rather paltry in its grasp of historical and political wisdom — almost as
if Reinhold Niebuhr never lived or spoke or wrote.
All of this is to say that meaningful dialogue in the realm of
foreign policy has to do with real decisions in a real world. One of
the reasons for the lack of a significant debate over the issues of
American involvement in Viet Nam is the unwillingness of many of
the most impassioned critics of U. S. policy to focus upon decisions,
to provide constructive and realistic alternatives, to wrestle with the
"if-then" questions which the policy-makers cannot ignore.
Unhappily, the common variety of moral education in our
churches, our schools, and our homes does not sufficiently nurture
the capacity to make decisions creatively and responsibly. Moral
education still has a fixation upon the authoritarian mode of cram-
ming "principles" into young minds and old ones, too, rather than
cultivating the resourcefulness of free moral agents to engage the
infinite number of factors which give unique shape to each historical
moment of choice and commitment. Here, too, we may seem to be
roaming far beyond the purview of the international relations minis-
try. But our work in this specialized area is very much affected by the
120
most elementary moral conditioning which our people bring to us.
We in all areas of social action have a tremendous stake in the
program of Christian education, of family life, of lay activities for
which other instruments of the Church bear a heavier burden than
do we. This is a stake which we should be willing to explore con-
tinuously and to build upon together in every fruitful way.
Ill
A third point I wish to score is that Christian dialogue in inter-
national relations must be international. This seeming redundancy
contains a judgment upon much of the Church's education and ac-
tion. When American churchmen meet to discuss African problems,
they are carrying on a monologue, not a dialogue, unless Africans
meet with them. When a conference is called on Southeast Asia,
without Southeast Asian leadership, the conferees, although they
may differ from each other on fundamental issues, are still trapped
by the limits of monologue. And when Christians gather to talk about
the Communists of Eastern Europe, Asia, or Latin America, their
talk suffers the most serious limitations if Communists are not
gathered with them. Of course, the presence of the "foreigner" or
the "enemy" may impose its own limitations upon the possibilities
of open dialogue. But the Embassy of Christ has an overriding im-
perative to persist in precisely the most difficult, the most frustrat-
ing, the most exasperating, the most hostility-laden confrontations
among men. Referring to American-Soviet relationships, Reuel
Howe has said: "The only hope for the future rests in a relentless
effort to keep open the lines of communication and on an acceptance
of double-talk, rejection, and distortion as a part of the dialogue."
In Berlin, right at the ugly Wall itself, there is an incredibly
appropriate symbol of what the Embassy of Christ must be and do.
There is a place in Bernauer Strasse where the Wall slices through
the front of a churchyard. On each side of the churchyard, the gun
positions of Communist guards are mounted high in abandoned tene-
ments. Several refugees have been shot just there and memorial
wreaths mark the spots where they have fallen. The church itself
is on the east side in the Soviet Zone, but facing west. High above
the church door and the Wall itself stands a figure of the Christ,
hand upraised in benediction. The church itself is closed. The name
of the church today is what it has been for generations : "The Church
of the Reconciliation."
121
Here, indeed, is the special work of the Embassy of Christ: it is
to see the face of Qirist on the other side of every wall of hostility. It
is to keep reminding us that no nation, no people, no man is an ab-
solute enemy. History keeps scrambling our "allies" and our "en-
emies". Blame and guilt for violence and for revolution are most
ambiguously distributed among the nations. Any war is a civil war
within the human family. There are redemptive forces at work in any
community of God's creatures and there are bonds of common inter-
est among all communities. The Embassy of Christ must never tire
in searching out those redemptive forces on the other side of the wall
and those bonds of common interest.
If I may speak more personally, I have long preferred to imag-
ine myself to be a "political realist" with considerable degree of
skepticism about the prospects of soothing the hostilities of either
Russia or China. I have been troubled by what I know, second-hand,
of some of the East-West encounters fostered by churchmen in which
it has seemed that many of the Western participants express a naive
view of world politics and are distressingly eager to join Eastern
denunciations of American policy. But I have come increasingly to
believe in the essentiality of Christian participation in such conver-
sations, not because I have inflated hopes concerning their immediate
influence, but because I have a deepening conviction that there are
profound theological and ethical imperatives involved in them which,
in this historical stretch, cannot be evaded and which may yield
long-term fruits. The risks are great, of course, not simply to the
participants but also to the reputation and support of the Church in
a society where McCarthyism has enjoyed such a widespread res-
urrection. But a Church which cannot accept grave risks cannot be
saved by a reputation for playing it safe. And those of us who take
a fatuous kind of pride in considering ourselves to be "realists" be-
cause we are non-pacifists would do well not to abandon the works of
reconciliation to the pacifists to bear alone.
If international conversation is imperative across the walls of
hostility between enemies and across the vast cultural chasms be-
tween American Protestantism and the Third World, it should never
be taken for granted as existing satisfactorily among so-called "al-
lies." One of the great values of the conferences at Friedewald and
at Ditchley has been the discovery of significant dififerences in prior-
ities between American and European delegates. The haunting mem-
ories of Nazism and of war, the continuing despair over a divided
122
nation, and the fear of a resurgent rightist fanaticism play upon
German churchmen in ways which deserve the most careful study
and constant respect from outsiders. In Britain, the adjustment to
the loss of empire and wealth, the vulnerability to nuclear attack, and
the ambivalent yearning for a radical new involvement in Conti-
nental affairs, largely frustrated by the French, inevitably touch all
discussions of foreign policy by English Christians. But one does not
have to cross the ocean in search of a conversation with allies : it
would be most helpful for the American churches to multiply many
times their conversation with the Canadian churches in international
matters. As close as our cultural and economic ties may be, Canadian
Christians tend toward distinctive views in Asian and Latin Ameri-
can policy which we would do well to hear continually.
Herbert Butterfield has said: "What society needs is every pos-
sible variation and extension of the art of putting oneself — and ac-
tually 'feeling oneself — in the other person's place." This art, which
has always been of cardinal importance to the profession of diplomacy,
has in our time become a necessity for all those segments of the gen-
eral public which aspire to responsible leadership and influence in
foreign policy. It is not enough for the churches to match technical
knowledge with ethical theory in their international affairs minis-
try: they must bring American churchmen into increasing contact
with their counterparts in other countries. The process of exposure
must get out beyond the church bureaucrats to the hundreds if not
thousands of laymen who are or must be enlisted in this ministry. It is
a process which can make use of the expanding company of foreign
nationals at work in the States, but it should also bring representa-
tives directly from other national churches for extended visitations
and it should magnify the opportunities for travel-seminars and short-
term work and study projects abroad. Of course, such programming
costs money, but just as the churches must not shy away from the
fires of controversy, so they must not shrink from the costs of doing-
what their mission as the Embassy of Christ compels them to under-
take for the sake of its conversation with the entire world.
IV
The churches have their own distinctive intelligence function to
perform in international relations. They cannot hope to match the
government in gathering daily the (|uantities of data and especially
of crisis information which are absorbed by the various intelligence
services. The point to be made, however, is not that the churches
123
are inferior in their intelligence function ; it is that they have a
unique capacity for certain kinds of intelligence operations which
government itself lacks the resources to perform. It is to mobilize
their own best resources for a continviing conversation concerning the
ethical dimensions of foreign policy. It is to perceive and interpret
the historical influence of religious institutions and values upon
political life. With increasing candor, American policy-makers have
confessed that there is a great void beyond the limits of secular intel-
ligence, beyond the competence of technical expertise, beyond the
range of the awesome computers. The Cuban missile crisis of 1962
marked a critical turning point in this regard. It was the earth-
shattering qualities of modern weapons which set the stage for the
crisis, with highly sophisticated aerial photography providing the
documentation and with mathematical games upon the computers
programming the various contingencies. Yet the crucial determina-
tions amounted to a kind of leap of faith : they had to do with
the nature of the American purpose and character and with the
ways in which the enemy himself might be permitted to share in a
solution which would not destroy his most vital interests. John Ben-
nett observed some months later that our statesmen had displayed a
moral sensitivity far beyond the capacity of the general public.
How can the churches tool up for the augmenting of moral
intelligence among their constituents and within the government?
They cannot do so in isolation from secular intelligence. Church lead-
ership must grow in its ability to assimilate the best information
available from governments, from the United Nations, and from
private sources such as the press, citizen organizations, and the
universities. Lord Chalfont, the British Minister for Disarmament,
who came over from Geneva to last month's conference at Ditchley,
remarked that in the closely related realms of defense and disarma-
ment there had been a sharp escalation of intellectual demands, add-
ing that Christian scholarship must respond with its own escalation if
it would remain relevant to the issues of world affairs as they take
on new form and shape. One could not, for instance, pursue dis-
armament negotiations in Geneva leading to a non-proliferation
treaty on nuclear weapons simply in the context of a common in-
terest between the Anglo-American Allies and the Soviet Union. The
whole strategic structure of Western Europe, including especially
the participation of West Germany in either a multilateral force or
an Atlantic nuclear force, must be brought under review, not to men-
124
tion Red China's exclusion from the UN, or the mounting pressures
in India to develop nuclear weapons in the face of conflicts with both
Pakistan and China, nor the temptations to a besieged Israel to hold
its Arab antagonists at bay through nuclear deterrence. The churches
have repeatedly sanctioned disarmament negotiations, but they are
not likely to contribute to wise disarmament policy if they cannot
keep up with the policy contexts within which progress toward
disarmament may be realized. In a world of kaleidoscopic changes,
the churches cannot simply live ofif the moral formulations of the
past.
The churches have more to learn from their own worldwide net-
work of communications than they have yet come to appreciate. To
the extent that their own sources of information help to free them
from absolute dependence upon official and secular sources, their
intelligence operations will acquire increasing moral integrity. The
churches possess an enormous investment in seminaries, colleges,
and universities which, by means of curricula, research, and special
projects, can better coordinate the inquiry into the relevance of theo-
logical discourse to policy problems. Denominational and ecumenical
staffs are challenged to play a catalytic role in refining this invest-
ment. I have recently proposed a research consultation in ethics and
foreign policy which might give birth to a more sustained and coordi-
nated intellectual effort in this realm. I know that many persons lx)th
in and outside of the churches remain to be persuaded that the
dialogue between ethics and foreign policy is intellectually necessary
or promising. At one side are those who are concerned with arous-
ing moral passion but not with scholarly progress ; at the other are
those for whom ethical inquiry is not accorded a status worthy of
any scholarly attention. There is thus an vmwitting conspiracy be-
tween battalions of moralists within the Church and legions of
positivists within the social sciences. I like to think that, although
I thoroughly enjoyed my years of college teaching, I now have more
incentives than ever to be a competent political scientist in the service
of the Qiurch.
V
Finally, the Church's conversation with the world is more than a
matter of dialogical or intellectual skills. It is made truly earnest only
insofar as the Embassy of Christ is faithful to two closely related
imperatives. I refer to the acts of sacrifice and reconciliation within
the Church itself.
125
Seven decades ago, George Herron, one of the early Jeremiahs
of the Social Gospel, proclaimed that the need of the hour was the
assertion of the Cross as the eternal principle of all divine and all
human action. The driving forces of the universe itself, he said, are
sacrificial and redemptive. "Christianity is the realization of the
universal sacrifice, of the philanthropy of God, of the redemptive
righteousness of Christ, in society. . . . The fulfillment of Christianity
will be the mutual sacrifice of God and his world in the society of
a common need." Herron was preoccupied with the domestic issues
of economic justice. But surely the principle of sacrifice which was
the central theme in his evangel has something to do with regard
to the international issues of economic justice. If we cannot push our
government too far in the direction of sacrifice, as some economists
like to warn us, the churches can at least do everything possible to
free our government from the most narrow conceptions of "the
national interest" in such matters as economic assistance, foreign
exchange, tariffs, commodity agreements, and the like. But the more
compelling application of the principle of sacrifice has to do with how
far the churches and individual Christians themselves are willing to go
in committing their own treasure, even to the point of privation and
suffering freely endured for the sake of the disinherited among the
remotest of God's children. The present levels of international phi-
lanthropy by American Christians, while generous by some measures,
fail to satisfy St. Paul's appeal to "make our bodies a living sacrifice,
holy and acceptable to God".
The Embassy of Christ cannot address its ministry of reconcilia-
tion to the nations without practicing that same ministry within
and among religious communities. The historical power of concrete
acts of reconciliation has been wondrously demonstrated by Pope
John XXIII. As a newcomer to the Church Center for the United
Nations, I have mused as to why that imposing facility was not
established as an interfaith center. If there is one single place in the
world where universalist religions should be able to engage in at
least some common ministry, it is across the Plaza from the United
Nations. But now we have a Protestant Center, three blocks up the
street is the Catholic Center, and a new Jewish Center is building at
some distance. It was all made strikingly clear on dedication day at the
Church Center in the imperial language of one speaker who enthused
about "this Christian center, this outpost of Christian influence,
this citadel of Christian witness" — and then the guest speaker was
126
introduced : Muhammad Zafrullah Khan, then President of the Gen-
eral Assembly.
The late Dag Hammarskjold seldom made public reference to his
religious faith, although his Markings now testify posthumously to
the richness of his spiritual life. Nevertheless it was my privilege
to hear Hammarksjold address the 1954 Assembly of the World
Council of Churches at Evanston, when he spoke freely as a Chris-
tian man. There are passages in that address which, to my mind, are
unsurpassed in their theological and historical insight into inter-
national politics, and I wish to conclude with several of them :
Let us not get caught in the belief that divisions of our world between
the righteous and the wrong-doers, between idealism and materialism,
between freedom and slavery, coincide with national boundaries. The
righteous are to be found everywhere — as are the wrong-doers. . . .
The conflicts behind the surface of international — and for that matter
also of national — politics, are conflicts whose battlefield always has
been, is and always will be the hearts of men. In a certain area, in
a certain period, those in power may predominantly represent one or
the other tendency. But we would lack in historical sense and psy-
chological insight, if the experience we have gathered during our short
span of time would lead us to believe that this or that people is to be
considered as an enemy forever of our ideals, or if we were to believe
that ideals which we feel should dominate our own society, will sur-
vive without an honest and continued fight for their supremacy in our
own public life. . . .
For the Christian faith 'the Cross is that place at the center of the
world's history . . . where all men and all nations without exception
stand revealed as enemies of God . . . and yet where all men stand
revealed as beloved of God, precious in God's sight.' So understood,
the Cross, although it is the unique fact on which the Christian
Churches should base their hope, should not separate those of Chris-
tian faith from others, but should instead be that element in their lives
which enables them to stretch out their hands to peoples of other creeds
in the feeling of universal brotherhood which we hope one day to see
reflected in a world of nations truly united.
The Minister as the
Man-in-Between
George A. Foster, '33
Pastor, Trinity Methodist Church, Tallahassee, Florida
Although the title, very well sets the theme for this Alumni
lecture, I would like to suggest also a subtitle, "A Contribution
Toward Personal and Vocational Identity in the Ministry."
One of the oldest and most frequently given bits of moral advice,
going back at least as far as Socrates and the Old Testament, is the
simple injunction, "Know thyself." I have recently been engaged
in a long delayed reading of that devotional classic, Theologia Ger-
nianica. In one of its sections I was delighted to read the other day
this sentence, "And a voice came from heaven saying, *0 man,
know thyself.' " Recently I have been picking up a few books in the
fields of psychology and sociology, perusing some and reading others,
and have become quite interested in the concern which experts in
these fields have for personal identity in our current culture. While
their approach is somewhat different, certainly more analytical,
than that of the old philosophers and mystics, the concern is essen-
tially the same.
I am assuming that there are two kinds, or levels, of identity
with which we must interest ourselves in the spiritual quest of know-
ing ourselves. The first is personal, which I shall designate as
primary identity. The second is multiple and includes such basic
indentifications as that of the vocational and marital roles. We are
concerned now with only one secondary identity, the vocational,
which is for us the ministerial.
7. The Importance of Finding Identity or Knowing Who You Are.
I find myself in deep agreement with the ancient injunction,
"Know thyself," and am keenly interested in the present approach
which modern students of human nature and culture are making in
seeking meaning in identity. It is perhaps easier for us to understand
how important it is for other human beings to know who we are,
and to have an image of us which is clear and fair. Most of us here
The Alumni Lecture delivered at Convocation, November 2, 1965.
128
have at some time or other been wrongly identified, and have
doubtless sometimes suffered some embarrassment or some con-
fusion because of it. I recall several rather humorous episodes of
wrong identification which remain with me primarily as conversa-
tion pieces, but are still illustrative of what I am trying to say. I
am one of those old-fashioned preachers who gets out in the after-
noon and rings a few doorbells. I confess with you that sometimes
I do not punch the bell quite so firmly the second time and am
thankful for those blessed little cards which we leave at people's
doors. On one occasion the door was opened by a very friendly lady
who showed all signs of recognizing me, her new minister. But she
did not follow this recognition with an invitation to come in. I gave
a slight tug on the screen door latch but found it fastened. We stood
and made small talk through the screen door for a short while, until
there came a slight awkward lull in our conversation. This she broke
with the announcement, "I don't believe I need anything in your
line today." I knew then that there must be a short circuit some-
where, so I asked, "Lady, who do you think I am?" She instantly
replied, "Why I would know you anywhere in the world, you are
my Fuller Brush man." In another similar setting soon after I had
rung the doorbell a young mother holding a baby opened the door
with obvious anticipation, but as soon as she recognized me spoke
in considerable disappointment, "Oh, I thought you were the Di-dee
man." Obviously I did not complete my pastoral call in this situa-
tion, but went away mumbling to myself about my adult nursery,
generally known as the First Methodist Church.
I think that this importance of having other people know who
we are is more strongly pointed up in the realization that we project
certain images of ourselves and seek to live into those images as the
basic goals of our lives. Most of us here have discovered also that
we sometimes are required to live into images which others have
of us which do not correspond exactly to the images which we
project of ourselves. Here is an illustration out of my own expe-
rience in the ministry. I once served as a pastor of a churcli which
was in a rapidly growing community. We undertook a major church
extension work and were able to sponsor five new Methodist
churches in our county. This caused the Bishop and the District
Superintendents, who make the appointments and in whose images
of us we are perforce required to live, to think of me as a very
good administrator. Yes, you have anticipated it. I was made a Dis-
trict Superintendent ! I had never imaged myself in this role, and it
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was a departure from my line of career projection. Fortunately, the
Bishop got me back into focus and let me off for good behavior
after two years.
As important as it is to have other people have a clear image
of us, it is a thousand times more important for us to know ourselves
who we are. I believe from reading some of the current studies of
our contemporary culture that many of its perceptive analysts would
agree that the greatest affliction from which we are suffering now
is that so many people simply do not know who they are. The word
which is used to describe this condition is alienation ; the condition
varies in degree from a simple poor identity of oneself to a patho-
logical nonacceptance, or even rejection and hatred of oneself. Many
explanations have been given for the riots by Negro people in Los
Angeles several months ago. The most perceptive which I heard
was given by Martin Luther King in a televised interview. He
pointed out that the young Negro people who were involved in this
riot were suffering from a radical alienation. This alienation came
out in their declared hatred of the white man simply for his white-
ness. But behind that was a hatred of themselves and of their own
blackness. This is radical alienation.
At the general and more obvious levels of our vocation as minis-
ters, we are not usually conscious of this kind of alienation. Gen-
erally the distortion of our own self image runs the other way and
has at its center a premature self-acceptance and even inflated self-
evaluation You will forgive me if I confess for myself and for our
profession that we are especially prone to this. I was told in my
first year in the ministry by an older neighboring pastor that I had a
good future. I believed this and went on the strength of that meat
for several difficult conference years. Under an ego drive impelled
by this good image of myself, I once dared to ask the Bishop and
District Superintendent, "When does my future begin?" There is a
story in Bishop Edwin Holt Hughes' book, / Was Made a Minister,
which illustrates and counters this tendency on our part. One of his
preachers came to him to seek advancement in his appointment.
In seeking to further improve the Bishop's image of him, he said,
"Bishop, you know that there are many people who consider me
among the ten outstanding preachers of Methodism." The Bishop's
reply, quick and devastating, was, "Yes, who are the other eight?"
I discovered during my brief tenure as District Superintendent
that many of the brethren suffer from inflated self-image. I also
learned that frequently these images are uxorially aided and abetted.
130
If a brother has a tendency toward this sort of over-evaluation of
himself, plus a wife who pumps more pressure into the balloon, he
can run into real difficulty in the appointment system, and some-
times suffer a real kickback in his own mental and spiritual state.
Fortunate indeed is the man who has a wife who serves as a brake
and a deflater in this respect. I am myself one of those fortunate
preachers married to such a wife. When I was given my honorary
Doctor of Divinity degree I at last had it made! Proudly I donned
the Doctor's hood, resplendent in its red, black and white colors,
and processed proudly down the aisle as we approached the Lord
in supposed humility. Later I asked my wife, "Honey, how did I
look wearing my new hood ?" Her reply was a salutary and quick
slaughtering of my clerical pride: "I thought you looked like a
woodpecker." On another occasion after she had ridden the district
with me for several Sundays and heard the same sermon over and
over again, she quietly suggested, "Don't you think you ought to get
yourself up another sermon ; you have preached that one so many
times it can walk alone."
There are few of us who do not suffer at some time or other
in our lives experiences which drive us to a re-evaluation of our-
selves. These usually occur at the level of our secondary identities,
especially that of vocation, personal ambition, and career fulfillment.
Frequently these are quite traumatic and kick back upon us even
to the level of primary identity. If at this primary level we have
achieved what is called an authentic selfhood and have not invested
the basic stuff of our personal being in secondary identities, we
shall be able to withstand the shocking experience and may even
emerge from it with more courage to be, and more established in
our primary identity. Some of us, unfortunately, become exceedingly
defensive, especially where a rejection at a secondary level threatens
to reveal what we really are at primary level. Most of us are skilled
in this kind of defensiveness, the primary tactic of which is to cry
out against the unfairness of others in failing to recognize our true
worth.
I realize that I am being strongly presumptuous at this point and
am treading on tender territory, and could be moving in where
angels fear to tread. But we are here together as ministers of the
Gospel and it is good for us to take an honest look at ourselves.
I was recently called a Preacher's Preacher. Having heard a prom-
inent lawyer called a Lawyer's Lawyer, and a successful Doctor
called a Doctor's Doctor, I took this as a great compliment. Later
131
on I read of a cannibal who was a Cannibal's Cannibal. As I stay
for a while in this holy ground where all of us live, I hope you will
think of me as a Preacher's Preacher discussing common concerns
in a brotherly manner, but if you must, you may think of me as a
Cannibal's Cannibal daring to chew you up a bit.
I believe that I can enforce the distinction between our personal
and vocational identity or between the primary and secondary levels
of self realization by a play on two words which etymologically are
the same word but for our purposes now may be sharply distin-
guished. The one is person and the other is parson. You already
understand that by person I mean our primary identity in authentic
selfhood, and by parson our secondary identity in vocational role. It
seems to be a common phenomenon that human beings who have a
weakness in primary identity either consciously or unconsciously
seek and even strive for self realization at the level of secondary
identities. We ministers share this common human pattern and
procedure whereby we enter roles which yield status and recognition
and become substitutes for deeper self realization. Indeed it is pos-
sible that a man pours all of himself into a secondary role and has
nothing left over for his soul-self. I recall that as soon as I received
my first local preacher's license as a sophomore in college, one of
the first things I did was to buy myself a black suit. I really wasn't
anybody much as a person, so I wanted all the more to be parson.
In my more mature years I am greatly concerned about men in our
vocation, especially younger men, who seem to reach out eagerly
for the clerical identification. Without intending to disparage the
round collar, may I suggest that it is frequently used for this very
purpose; and do we not sometimes wear the stole for the ornamenta-
tion of the parson rather than to represent servitude of the person
to the Lxjrd ? I have already observed that this whole pattern of striv-
ing for status is shared by us with human beings in general.
I am so convinced of the importance of this identification as
person that I think it must not be lost even in the role of husband
or wife. I observe that there are some women who marry preachers
and enter into the role of preacher's wife with might and main. Some
submerge their personhood in this secondary identity and
some submerge the husband as they seek their identity in this role
which some women seem to covet. I learned early in my own mar-
riage that my wife was desperately determined to be herself first
and a preacher's wife second. By a spiritual and psychological
principle which seems always to work, she is a far better wife, and
132
even preacher's wife, because she has struggled and succeeded
in the realization of authentic selfhood.
As we come to our own relationship with God as His ministers
we are first persons, human beings, men — created in the image of
God and redeemed by His grace in Jesus Christ. Here we find
who we are and from this identity of person we move into the role
of parson, persons called into the work of the ministry. If we come
to the role of parson in weakness as person, we are always in danger
of the stereotype, and possibly even of the phony. More conscious
of being parson than of being person, we move among our people
with calculated manner, posing, image-protecting, and, to use a
phrase already used today on this platform, in danger of becoming
"paid professional religious men." Any sort of stuffed shirt is obnox-
ious, but the worst of all is that of the parson who has failed to be-
come person.
II. The Minister as the Man-in-Between His People and Time.
All of us who have served in the pastorate in various situations
know that even in these challenging and rapidly moving times many
of our people are still living in a provincialism of space and of time.
It is also apparent to us that much of this is willed provincialism.
There is widespread reluctance to revolution among our people.
In some instances this is doubtless due to ignorance. Possibly a
greater cause is disturbance and fear at the threat of radical changes
in their "way of life." Some will go so far as to deny that there is
a revolution at all and to label as leftists or Communists even those
who recognize that world revolutions are going on. Many of these
people are supporting their positions by religious and patriotic sanc-
tions, and if they could stop all kinds of social and political changes,
and even undo some of the developments of recent years, they would
rejoice to do so. They are what Teilhard de Chardin calls the "im-
mobilists." Many of us have heard the statement that the worst thing
in the world is ignorance. You have also heard someone say that the
worst thing in the world is really the ignorance of ignorance. I have
a third observation in this line which is that the worst thing in the
world is a human being who has reached out for a religious and/or
patriotic sanction for the conclusions he has reached out of the
ignorance of which he is ignorant.
Granted the reality of his identity as person and the genuineness
of his commitment as parson, the minister of our day finds himself
between his people and time. Since they are living in a provincialism
133
of time as well as space, one of his primary responsibilities as a
teacher of the truth is to lead them into a larger historical setting
for their lives. We are very fortunate that we have a Biblical struc-
ture for doing this. There is a philosophy of history set up in the
Biblical story which readily provides a structure for our giving peo-
ple a sense of being involved in a long historical process. We can
remind them that we serve the God of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob,
that the drama of divine redemption has its primary essentials in
certain times and places, and that we are today the heirs of cen-
turies of Judaeo-Christian life, experience and discovery. When
they ask us to "give them the Bible," they have opened the door to
a wonderful opportunity for us. A radical use of its basic historical
spread will help the preacher to lead them out of their obscurantist
discontinuity, and to teach them that "old-fashioned religion" is
much older really than nineteenth-century revivalism. I have dis-
covered that even some of our well-educated and quite self-conscious
sophisticated people suffer from historical discontinuity at this point.
Along with their less-informed neighbors they need to be reminded
that wisdom did not begin with our century. Here is a place for the
minister to stand between his people and time past and remind them
over and over again that they are set down in a great sweep of his-
tory.
It is not difficult for us to understand the anxieties of people con-
cerning the swiftly moving world in which we live. There is no
other ready word to describe what is going on all across the earth
than the word revolutionary. Barbara Ward says in her book, The
Rich Nations and the Poor Nations, that there are ten or twenty
revolutions now going on and that they are intertwined. In addi-
tion to our normal human resistance to change, people are disturbed
about some of the directions in which we are moving. They are not
ready to accept, for instance, the pluralistic nature of our society.
Almost all of our people are white, Anglo-Saxon Protestants — or
WASPS, as the sociologists call us. In our community we have not
only owned our churches, but also the courthouse and the school
house, and have been able to dominate cultural patterns and pre-
serve our way of life. Now, with the whole wide world as well as the
federal government moving in on us, we are understandably fright-
ened. Things are simply moving too fast for us. Some would use
the words which are the title of a recent musical comedy on Broad-
way to express their basic immobilism, "Stop the World, I Want
to Get Off." Our people may not be too ready to listen to us as we
134
stand between them and time passing, but the nature of things de-
mands that we assume this role. In addition to the basics of the
ministry which I have discussed, I must strongly underscore that at
this point we simply must do our homework and become knowledge-
able about what is happening to our small earth if we are to do a
good job as prophetic interpreter.
I suppose that none of us knows exactly the nature of the new
world which is in process of coming. There are certain broad lines
which are becoming more and more recognizable, including what is
called the process of urbanization and the introduction of the demo-
cratic process into all levels of our common life. To some of us
these lines lead into a possible promised land, but to others they
lead into some kind of welfare state which threatens to deny us
privileges which we have long assumed are ours by right. Some of
these people remind me of a character in a little story Dr. Gilbert T.
Rowe told our Pastors' School in Florida a few years before his
death. Two mountain boys, Bud and Zeke, are sent by their Ma
across the valley and creek to load the ox cart with apples. While
they are there a heavy rain comes and the creek rises. On their
way back the ox and cart are stalled in the middle of the stream
while it is still rising. To the consternation of Bud and Zeke the
apples are being floated out of the cart downstream. Bud runs home
to tell Ma about it and she asks, "Where is Zeke and what's he
doin' ?" Bud tells her, "He ain't doin' nothin' but sittin' on the bank
and cussin'."
What an apt description of so many of the people in our churches
in these days. If we presume to stand between our people and time
to come, we must win their confidence as real persons and genuine
parsons, men of God committed to honesty and redemptive truth.
Then they may let us lead them into the new day, so rapidly dawn-
ing upon us.
///. The Ministei- as the Man-in-Between His People and God.
The old roles of priest and prophet still help us to understand
the major role of the modern minister. Both priest and prophet were
in-between human beings and God, one seeking to lift the needs of
men up to God and the other declaring the will and judgment of
God to men. In order to gain a better focus for our understanding
of the minister in these traditional major roles, I must narrow the
discussion to the setting of worship and preaching.
My major disappointment as a District Superintendent when I
135
went about among the churches participating in their Sunday ser-
vices was the widespread poverty of worship. Broken-down orders
of service, extremely poor Hturgical sense, an occasional informaHty
that was disrespect to Deity, all of these and more brought distress
to my mind. I had already had experiences of attending service and
not really finding genuine worship going on. I recall one occasion
when my wife and I attended church and came away quite empty.
I soon confessed that I had not worshipped and she admitted a
similar failure. Together we sought the explanation. We came fairly
quickly to the simple conclusion that the basic cause was that the
minister himself was not at worship. He was so obviously playing
a little role with a high degree of self-consciousness and even of
self-exhibition. We all know that the essential presence at a service
of worship is the presence of God. But if the service is loaded with
too much presence of the man in the pulpit or an over-awareness
of the presence of human beings in the pews, it is so easy to leave
no room at all for the presence of Deity. So many of our church
services fail at this point. I have known of ministers who suffered
from such a degree of pathological egocentricity that they were sus-
tained in their role as parson by the adoration of their people. Ser-
vices of worship that such men conduct are not services of divine
worship at all. I have also known it the other way around where
the pastor manifests a dependency toward his people and usually
is to be found thanking them for coming out to church. I once was
in a service where the minister thanked the people three times for
coming out as if thereby they had favored him and the Lord. One
could ask, where is the Lord high and lifted up? Where are the
angels declaring the glory of God saying "Holy, Holy, Holy is the
Lord God of hosts?" Where is the sense of mystery? Where is
trembling in the presence of the Most High?
I am primarily concerned with the role of the preacher as he
becomes the man in-between God and other men when he preaches.
As I understand his role here, I believe a good word to use is in-
volvement. The preacher has dared to involve himself in the Gospel
transaction. His responsibility is to produce some kind of divine-
human encounter, and to create for his hearers an evangelical con-
frontation. As good pastor of his flock he will be not unmindful of
his people in their sins and will not become so prophetically aggres-
sive that he fails to see the sins of his people in the light of God's
mercy and so to preach that they will see their sins, and see them well,
in this light.
136
I think that a very large number of us actually seek an avoidance
of this involvement. The presumptuousness of it seems too great,
and we quietly withdraw from it and surrender for lesser levels of
pulpit functioning. Also the involvement is itself a painful thing.
To declare God's judgment and offer his mercy and grace seems
too great a treasure in these earthen vessels, and to allow ourselves
to be involved in sins and troubles of our people is to lose our own
ease and take upon ourselves some of their hurt and anxiety and
guilt. One of my associates, just out of seminary, commented after
hearing me preach for several Sundays, that I was violating some-
thing he had been taught in seminary, that I was preaching in the
first person while he had been taught to preach in the third person.
I don't know who his homiletics teacher was, but I must say that
I do not see how one can really preach without preaching in the
first person. One can lecture, one can make an address, all this in
the third person, but how can a man preach without involving him-
self in his Gospel message?
I am interested in how some men avoid this evangelical in-
volvement. There are several ways to do it. One is to cast your
ministry into some role other than the prophetic or the priestly.
Perhaps the most common of these other types is that of the pro-
motional ministry, into which many men of my acquaintance have
directed the basic drive of their ministry. Of one such promotional
type minister a discerning member of his church remarked one day,
"His announcements at church are always much more interesting
than his sermons." I suppose we always evaluate our predecessors,
and I would not want to confess to you today some of the things
which I have thought — and sometimes said — about some of my pre-
decessors. But the most devastating thing I ever heard one man say
about his predecessor was, "As I understand his ministry, he is
basically a cheer leader." I know a man who had all of the gifts
which are commonly supposed to make for success in the ministry.
He was tall and handsome, robust and masculine, personable and
magnetic, and endowed with a marvelous voice which had been
skillfully trained. But this man suffered a defeat in the midst of
what should have been a highly successful pastorate. The essence of
his failure was at the point of his non-involvement when he preached.
In a moment of anxiety he confessed to me what his best lay friend
had said to him in the dead of night following an unpleasant con-
frontation with his Pastoral Relations Committee. The layman said,
"Tom, when you preach everyone in the congregation is listening
137
except you." I realize that I am in a very sensitive area and I pass
from it with a quotation, the source of which I have forgotten: "No
man can exhibit himself and Jesus Christ at the same time."
There remain a few things to say about the in-betweenness in-
volved in the preparation and delivery of sermons. I went to church
one day and heard a sermon which I fear is typical of much of to-
day's preaching. The preacher knew how to put things together
and produce a fairly symmetrical whole. He had quite obviously read
sermons on this subject from other preachers along with the Reader's
Digest and other such literature. As I listened to him preach I tried
to find the degree of his involvement and to sense the involvement
of the congregation in the act of preaching. But he himself was not
involved. He had snipped and clipped and assembled all this as-
sorted stuff, but it had none of his own sweat and blood and tears
in it. The people seemed to be listening very politely, but so obviously
they were not pulled into the concern of the sermon. Because he
was not painfully involved, neither were they involved at all.
There was no impingement on their consciences, no real reaching of
their souls, no laying of the claim of God upon their lives.
This raises the question of where we get the stuff for our ser-
mons. It seems tragic to me that some of us are busy reading each
week for next Sunday's sermon. And that our main diet is books
of sermons. I believe that if we could declare a moratorium on the
buying and reading of such books it would improve preaching all
across the church and bring the kingdom that much closer. I once
said this in a panel at our own Pastors' School, knowing that with
me on the panel was Dr. Wallace Hamilton and that outside on the
bookstore display his own books of sermons were in stacks higher
than any other books. One of his books was called Ride the Wild
Horses. When I made this statement he intervened with a friendly,
"Don't say that !" I had an inspiration of the moment and replied,
"But you know what happens. When the brethren ride your wild
horses, they turn them all too quickly into Shetland ponies." I am
sure that it would be difficult to have one rule that covers everyone,
but as a general principle I think we ought to be doing reading this
year for next year's sermons. Once I repeated the little routine pre-
viously given about ignorance to a bright young Doctor of Philoso-
phy. He instantly replied, "Oh yes, that comes right out of the heart
of Reinhold Niebuhr's The Nature and Destiny of Man." I did not
deny the possibility, but remembered that I had read this work at least
ten years before the time I came up with what I thought was an
138
original gem. This illustrates and supports my main point. Few ideas
can ever be original to us, but if we have made them our own, even
though the gestation period be unusually long, they are more effec-
tive when we speak them.
When we preach, we should be preaching out of the level of the
person, out of our authentic selfhood, and what we are giving out,
even though it may be original with someone else, we shall have
ingested, absorbing it into our own thought and faith system, so
that when we speak the words, they bear the witness of meaning
for us and in us. I like the analogy of the spider weaving his web
for illustrating preaching. The spider has eaten certain foods which
have gone into him, have been absorbed into his system, and now are
extruded by him to form a web of beauty and usefulness. I think that
when a man really preaches in this sense he is breaking off a little
piece of himself and leaving it with his people, and at the same time
leaving with them the impression that when he reappears for another
service of divine worship he will have been renewed wholly out of
powerful resources which are in him and out of God through him.
I believe that I can conclude what I have tried to say in three
propositions. The first is that the most important thing in the world
is my identity as a human being who by the grace of God has become
a Christian person. The second most important thing in the world
for me and for you as ministers is our vocational identity as good
ministers of Jesus Christ. The third and principal thing I have tried
to say to you is that we can never really be the second, the parson,
in any of his functions, unless we have become deeply the first, the
person.
Coflfee House Christianity
Jerry H. Gill
Candidate for the Ph.D. in Religion, 1966
With all due apologies to Soren Kierkegaard, I would like to
borrow the titles of his major works for pegs upon which to hang
the following discussion. I leave it to the reader to decide whether or
not Kierkegaard would object to such procedure.
Attack upon Christendom
I will not punish any of us by dragging out all the too-oft-re-
peated phrases which have been used to express my first point. We
have heard and seen enough of "post-Christian era", "God is dead",
"the world come of age", and the like. Suffice it to say that in recent
times the relevancy of the Christian Church has been strongly chal-
lenged by nearly every aspect of human existence. Although this is by
no means a new challenge, it is nonetheless a very real one.
The chaotic events of our beloved cold-war carry with them an
implicit, but odious, question — just where is the Lord of History?
The rebellion and pessimism found in the world of contemporary
art also reflects the "relevance-gap" between the church and society.
Both of the main branches of contemporary philosophy, Logical Em-
piricism and Existentialism, reject the Christian message as "non-
sense" and "escapism" respectively. Even some of the leaders of the
Church itself have almost given up on it. An increasing number of
seminary graduates are seeking a place of service outside of the
institutional church, and theologians sometimes claim that the Church
speaks a language which no one understands, and to problems which
no one has. There can be no denying the seriousness of this full-
orbed "attack upon Christendom."
The Point of View
It would be ostrich-headed to contend that the Church has done
nothing by way of a positive response to this now famous "attack".
The "Christian Renewal" issue of Time Magazine (December 25,
1964) provides a good summary of a wide variety of constructive
efforts to make the Christian message relevant. One significant de-
velopment which has received a minimum of attention is the Christian
140
Coffee House "underground" ("movement" sounds too institution-
al). My purpose in this article is to explore the basis, strategy, and
results of this development.
Although I will of necessity base most of what I say upon my
own first-hand experience with one such Coffee House, there is good
evidence that most of the others have had similar experiences. The
religion page of Newsweek for January 20, 1964, supports this
claim, as does an unpublished summary of some half-dozen church-
related Coffee Houses compiled by Mrs. Carol McDonald, who was
the driving force behind the origin of such a Coffee House in St.
Louis. The Potter's House operated by The Church of the Savior in
Washington, D. C, The Edge in Bryn Mawr, Pennsylvania, The
Door in Chicago, Encounter in Lancaster, Pennsylvania, The
Threshing Floor in Greenwich Village, and The Precarious Vision
in San Francisco, are all efforts to relate Christianity to a certain
segment of society which has pretty generally written off the orga-
nized Church.
My own experience with this unconventional development has
been in connection with Le Rapport Coffee House in Seattle, Wash-
ington. I had the good fortune of serving as program chairman dur-
ing the first year of its operation. The idea for this Coffee House
was born in a young couples' discussion group in the Woodland
Park Presbyterian Church, The basic motivation was a conviction
that far too often Christian people talk to each other, instead of shar-
ing their perspective with, and learning from, those outside of the
Church. Moreover, by and large, Christians expect non-Christians
to come into the church building to hear the Christian point of view.
Why not meet them where they are, in an atmosphere of openness?
The enterprise was quickly, and rather informally, underway in
September of 1963. Le Rapport is run on a non-profit (in plan and
most certainly in fact), volunteer basis. About one-half of the finan-
cial support comes from individual gifts. The operation includes a
first-rate art exhibit and occasional co-operation with a local film
society. Although not in one of the main business or university cen-
ters, Le Rapport is located next door to The Ridgemont art-film
theater, and has received a great deal of assistance from its owner.
Fortunately and unfortunately, the Coffee House has no official
connection with the organized church. This is fortunate because it has
allowed for great strategical mobility. It is unfortunate because it
has resulted in limited financial mobility. Most of the above mentioned
Coffee Houses seem to be more closely related to the established
141
Church. As of 1965, however, Le Rapport is receiving $200 per
month from the Seattle Presbytery budget.
Philosophical Fragments
The programs of the coffee houses are quite varied, but most
include group discussion of contemporary ideas, art exhibits, jazz
and folksong performances, dramatic and poetry presentations, and
film showings. In addition, a great deal of spontaneous, informal
discussion takes place. The unique thing about Le Rapport's pro-
gram is its regular public discussions on week-end evenings. Mr.
and Mrs. Leon Arksey (a local college professor and his wife) have
had the responsibility of scheduling the discussions. Most of these
discussions begin at 10 p.m. and continue into the early morning
hours. The discussion topics are chosen on the basis of their signifi-
cance in religion, the various arts, and contemporary culture. Lively
and significant discussions have been held on such issues as: civil
rights, liturgical jazz, sex-love-and-meaning, existentialism, disarma-
ment, political conservatism, Bertrand Russell and Christianity, the
Bible and modern science, James Baldwin, Ingmar Bergman's
theological trilogy, and the McCarthy film. Point of Order.
The discussion leaders are chosen from various aspects of
Seattle's religious and cultural life. They usually begin with a brief
introduction to the topic and then open it up for questions and
statements of conflicting points of view from those present. To date,
the discussions have been led by local political leaders — including
former Governor Rossellini and present Governor Evans — scholar-
teachers from Seattle colleges and universities, actors and director
Stuart Vaughn from the Seattle Repertory Theater, and a large
number of local ministers. The late Carl Michalson, theologian from
Drew University, participated once, and there has been a good deal
of Catholic- Protestant dual-leadership as well.
The clientele of Le Rapport is perhaps a bit different from that
of most of the other coffee houses mentioned. Whereas they seem to
attract mostly students and/or some form of "cultural rebels", Le
Rapport attracts mostly young business and professional people, as
well as some graduate students. This difference is probably more a
function of location than of choice. Nevertheless, many unchurched
persons who are active in the intellectual, political and cultural life of
Seattle have taken an active part in the discussions. The number of
participants varies between twenty-five and two hundred. The "frag-
ments" of personal philosophy which have been shared at L^ Rapport
142
have made an actuality out of its stated "creed", borrowed from
Albert Camus :
, . . that tlie world needs real dialogue, that falsehood is just as much
the opposite of dialogue as is silence, and that the only possible dia-
logue is the kind between people who remain what they are and speak
their minds. This is tantamount to saying that the world of today
needs Christians who remain Christians.
Either! Or
Well, what sort of impact has this adventure had on its surround-
ing society? Both the Newsweek article and Mrs. McDonald's sum-
mary indicate that the other coffee houses are having a good deal
of success in closing the "relevancy-gap" between Christianity and
society. There are four main values being realized in Le Rapport's
ministry to its culture. First, the very fact that church people are
involved in such an enterprise has been a strong witness to the
Church's concern to be identified with the contemporary world. One
person who became a frequent and active participant said, "I never
thought the Church had it in itself to do such a thing." Second, since
a very strong effort is made to keep the programming on an inter-
denominational basis, real growth in understanding and co-operation
is being achieved among a large variety of denominations. This is
especially true with regard to Protestant-Catholic relationships.
Third, a real cultural service is being rendered to the city of
Seattle at L^ Rapport. In a way, the coffee house could be classified
as large scale adventure in adult education. The quality of the dis-
cussion leadership is very high, and outstanding people from nearly
every area of the Seattle scene have been eager to participate. Le
Rapport is one of the few places in Seattle where public discussion
is held on significant and timely issues.
Finally, and most importantly, real dialogue and encounter be-
tween individuals is taking place at Le Rapport. Very often, long
after the public discussion has ended, small groups and couples will
continue to discuss the issues on a personal level. Much friendship
and understanding have been experienced over a cup of coffee —
often by persons who were complete strangers at the outset.
In all of this the Christian perspective on life and its concrete
problems is being presented. Sometimes in a theoretic way, sometimes
in a practical way, but nearly always in such a way as to make the de-
cisive, "either/or" nature of the Christian life quite clear. No attempt
is made to screen the discussion leaders, nor "guide" the discussion
143
into a Christian interpretation. The hope is that Le Rapport
provides a place where Christians and non-Christians can
discuss issues of mutual importance. If the Christian witness is
to be expressed, Christians must be present and express it. At this
coffee house, they are and do !
Purity of Heart
In addition to its cultural impact, the Le Rapport adventure is
making valuable contributions to the lives of those Christians who
are participating in it. The hearts of these participants are being
"purified" on at least three levels. To begin with, a new depth of
understanding is being achieved, and that in a two-fold fashion. A
new understanding of exactly what the unchurched person thinks,
and why he thinks it, is taking place continually. Needless to say,
many well-protected stereotypes have had to be jettisoned! More-
over, a new understanding of exactly what it is that the participating
Christian believes, and why, also takes place. Here too, a great deal
of growth and modification almost invariably results.
A second value is obtained on the level of personal honesty. As
Camus points out in the above quotation, real dialogue presupposes
personal honesty. In the type of discussions, both public and private,
which are taking place at Le Rapport, insincerity and lack of mutual
acceptance are quickly unmasked. The type of personality trans-
parency that is experienced and cultivated in honest dialogue with
those of varying basic commitments is seldom achieved within the
structures of the ecclesiastical establishment.
A third value has to do with the proper method of sharing the
Christian gospel. Far too often Christians are content to praise, state,
and examine the Christian message in a vacuum, as if it were some
sort of abstract entity. In addition to the fact that the best witness
to the dynamic of the gospel is the quality of the life lived by the
Christian, it is also the case that the best way to clarify the gospel
is to show its implications for the various aspects of concrete ex-
perience. The proper way to demonstrate the value of a light is to
shine it on the path which is being walked, not upon the light itself
(assuming this were possible) ! Those Christians engaged in sharing
Christianity with others at Le Rapport are learning that the most
effective witness is the one which attempts to delineate the implica-
tions of the Christian perspective for the crucial issues of human
existence.
144
Concluding Unscientific Postscript
I have not tried to say that the estabHshed church should be ex-
changed for a chain of cofifee houses. I have tried to say that Chris-
tians need to seek ways of sharing the Christian life which are
honest and integral to both Christianity and God's unchurched
world. Each individual must seek creative ways of communicating
his faith. Cofifee house Christianity is more than an idea or an inter-
esting experiment; it is a way of life!
The Dearths Discourse
There are indications on every side that theological education is
in for a thorough and systematic self-assessment in the next few
years. We have already begun the process here at Duke. The precip-
itating causes are many. Superficially considered, an immediate
stimulant is the forthcoming debate concerning the name and nature
of the basic theological degree which will be a principal issue before
the biennial meeting of the American Association of Theological
Schools in June. After some unilateral action on the part of a few
schools, such as Claremont, Chicago Divinity School, Boston, and
Wesley, and with at least four years of study and debate in the
official channels of the Association, it is rather clear that a major
step may well be taken to "up-grade" the basic theological degree to
the "Master's" level.
Claremont instituted a Doctor of Religion, four-year degree,
some three years ago, defended with customary vigor and resource-
fulness by its President Colwell. Boston University School of Theol-
ogy announced nearly two years ago its intention to institute an
S.T.M. beginning in 1966 and including an altered curricular pro-
gram and involving extended time requirements over the conven-
tional three academic years. The University of Chicago Divinity
School has announced a four-year program leading to a Doctorate
of Ministry, and now Wesley Theological Seminary has announced
a Master of Theology as the basic degree beginning this fall.
On the whole, the older and long-established institutions have
taken a conservative line, but the issue will be decisively joined at the
AATS meeting in June with a commission recommendation on the
agenda to make the basic theological degree either a B.D. or an
M.Div. (Master of Divinity). Meanwhile, it has been the declared
judgment of this faculty that any "up-grading" of the basic theo-
logical degree must necessarily carry with it a genuine "beefing-up"
of the admissions, curricular, and academic performance standards
of theological schools. It is for this reason, in part, that the struc-
ture, aims, and end-product of theological education are bound to
come under scrutiny, at least among those schools and faculties which
take the proposed "up-grading" as something more than faqade or
status building.
But, apart from the issue as raised by the prolonged discussion
of "degree nomenclature", there is an increasing awareness that theo-
146
logical education is long overdue a pretty thorough-going renovation.
Basically, it is caught between the inevitably, even properly, competi-
tive aims of academic vis-a-vis professional concerns. Long ago we
might have discerned that theological education must become sound-
ly professional, perhaps even "cHnical", while embracing academic
integrity demanded by inescapable dependency upon historical and
systematic disciplines. It is now past time for candor in this matter.
Among other things, this means that if real competence is to be
acquired on both the professional and academic sides, as is imi>era-
tive, then the comprehensive survey-type of the theological studies
program must be rather radically modified.
I may be mistaken, but I would venture the judgment that grad-
uates of theological schools ought to go forth with an enhanced mea-
sure of self-esteem that in part is fostered by the inner assurance that
within a delimited domain they are moderate masters of some disci-
pline within the continuum of theological knowledge and under-
standing. It may be New Testament exegesis ; it may be psycho-
therapy and the Christian message ; it may be the history of
Christian art or the shape of present-day Christological discussion ;
it may be ministry and ecclesiastical government. Whatever it is,
it will contribute to the inward assurance that characterizes the
educated man. But this will call for some radical revision of the
theological program, and I believe we are in for it.
* * *
It is with very genuine regret that the Dean and faculty of the
Divinity School will be obliged to give "hail and farewell" to Pro-
fessor Hugh Anderson at the end of the current academic year. He
has accepted the New Testament Chair in the succession of James
Stewart at New College, University of Edinburgh, Scotland. When
his countrymen called, "Come over to Caledonia and help us," Hugh
Anderson, with an apostolic sense of stewardship and a Presbyterian
sense of divine election, was disposed to comply. He goes to one of
the notable theological posts of Scotland and with a sense of respon-
sibility and mission to the cause of ministerial education in his home
country.
Dr. Anderson joined the faculty of Duke University Divinity
School as Associate Professor of Biblical Theology in the fall of
1957. He was promoted to Professor of Biblical Criticism and Theol-
ogy in the fall of 1963. He has been valued as a colleague by all the
faculty, greatly sought by students, and a principal contributor to
New Testament studies leading to the doctor's degree. Dr. Ander-
147
son's contribution to the American pulpit has been notable, and his
eloquence and authentic Christian witness will be long remembered
in many churches of the land. He has brought luster to the name of
Duke Divinity School by his several important publications, most
notably by his distinguished book, Jesus and Christian Origins (Ox-
ford University Press, 1964). We shall miss his wife, Jean, as well
as Hugh, and we wish them both, and their three children, Gordon,
Kenneth, and Louise, Godspeed as they resume the common ministry
in Old Scotia.
— Robert E. Cushman
at
LOOKS
BOOKS
He Died As He Lived. James T. Qeland. Abingdon. 1%6. 79 pp. $2.
Dr. James T. Qeland, Dean of the Chapel and James B. Duke Professor
of Preaching at Duke University, has published another book. To those who
have read his previous volumes. Wherefore Art Thou Come? and the War rack
Lectures, Preaching to Be Understood, that simple statement is sufficient to
arouse their interest in reading his latest volume. Having devoured this
homiletical chef's T-bone and rib-eye offerings, they will now be ready to taste
his filet mignon !
He Died As He Lii'cd is a group of meditations dealing with the cruci-
fixion. They are seven in number, treating The Seven Last Words, but with
a Prologue and an Epilogue.
Dean Qeland owed this book to his students and former students, and to
the Chapel congregations who hear him preach from month to month. The
cross and Christ's words spoken from it are so central to the meaning and
acquisition of our salvation that they should be continually re-interpreted by
our best preachers. One volume on The Seven Last Words by- — say, T. E.
Green — published sixty-seven years ago, is not enough. We have since had
books on these Words from Almon Abbott, Gains Glenn Atkins, George
Buttrick, Clovis Chappell, J. A. McElroy, Carlyle Marney, Fulton J. Sheen,
and many others. It is good, now, to have this fresh interpretation from
our Scottish colleague, who excels in freshness.
As is the case with other preacher-authors, Dean Qeland lets us look at
our Lord Jesus Christ on the cross, but he also helps us to understand that
through His Words Christ is also looking at us. Perhaps the most noticeable
and consistent difference between Dean Cleland's treatment and the treatment
given by these other authors is his delineation of the teachings and acts in
Christ's earlier ministry which were in harmony with His dying words on
the cross. Indeed, the author has a thesis for the seven meditations which
he states succinctly : "... what our Lord said from the cross is an echo, a
reiteration of what he said during his ministry."
If that is Professor Cleland's thesis, what is his central affirmation? I
think it is a statement made in his comment on the Second Word : "... we
don't get into heaven because we're good. We get into heaven because God
is good."
This volume is free from the undefined technical jargon which often clogs
the writings of contemporary theologians who ask the layman to read what
they publish. (He does not hesitate to furnish the Greek word for "It is
finished," but he translates it clearly.) The word, technopolis, does not appear
in this book, nor will the reader find such theological hammers and shovels
as demythologize, hermeneutics, typology, or soteriology. Qeland's volume
is laced with profound insights, but the author does not attempt to gain a
reputation for profundity by the cheap route of obscurity. (As was said of
Abou Ben Adliem, "may his tribe increase!")
Students of the Bible will be surprised — and rejoice ! — to discover that
Dean Qeland notes his Biblical references and quotations, thus making it easy
for the reader to refer to the passage being used. This little book ofTers
149
provocative thought: both Gehenna and Paradise are defined as suburbs of
Sheol. The author coins a number of welcome, dictionary-type definitions :
"A person is merciful when he feels the sorrow and misery of another as if
it were his own."
The individual who absorbs this book may feel occasionally that he is more
a listener than a reader, as he encounters a delivery style of writing.
Preacher Cleland knows how to handle a one-word sentence, even in type !
For instance : "The family table and the family pew are furniture in the one
home. Good." Or again : "He had praised a father who welcomed his
prodigal son home, when the boy didn't deserve it. Mercy."
Duke's adopted Scot sees both the Fourth and Fifth Words as confirming
footnotes to the doctrine of the Incarnation. He views the Fourth Word as
a cry of spiritual pain from the soul of a forsaken man, and the Fifth Word
as a cry of physical pain from the body of a tortured man.
This small volume contains exposition and exegesis, yet it is not primarily
a scholarly work on the Biblical text. It is the work of a master homiletician,
yet it is not chiefly a feast of homiletics. Rather, it is basically a reverent
book of worship, of thoughtful and penetrating insights which pierce the
conscience and galvanize the will. The reader is almost predestined to be a
better Christian !
— Howard C. Wilkinson
Chaplain to Duke University
Situation Ethics: The New Morality. Joseph Fletcher. Westminster Press.
1966. 176 pp. $1.95 (paper).
All the advance notices promised that this would be lively, exciting, pro-
vocative, occasionally vexing, sometimes even irritating, reading. It is. It is
also the most cogent and coherent argument for situation ethics yet to appear
in print. For these reasons alone, it will become standard reading in my
courses.
The so-called "new morality" continues to incite a very great deal of popular
misunderstanding which this book ought to do much to correct. For more
than a decade now. Christian moralists have become increasingly preoccupied
with whether Christian ethics is chiefly imperative or indicative, with whether
the basic question is "what ought I to do in obedience to God's command?"
or "what am I to do as a believer in Jesus Christ?" The choice may seem an
indifferent one, but ink and blood have been spilled over less vital questions.
Protagonists for both positions argue that the starting-points of the decision-
making process are appropriately polarized by these questions and that it makes
a profound difference whether one opts for authority, law, and a metaphysically
and intrinsically oriented value system (the imperative mood) or freedom,
grace, and an existentially and situationally shaped ethics (the indicative mood).
Joseph Fletcher introduces this book with an argument in favor of situation
ethics as a way of approaching decision-making that will not fall prey to the
dangers in either of these extremes but be a genuine via media. Instead of
asking what ought I to do or what am I to do, he argues that the "very first
question in all ethics" is "What do I want?" (p. 42) The primary problem is
thus obviously a value problem, the choice of one's siimmum bonum (p. 43).
By putting the ethical question this way, Fletcher intends that situation ethics
be juxtaposed to both "legalistic" and "antinomian" approaches, which enter
decisive moments either forearmed with inviolable rules to be applied always
and to everybody alike or wholly without any principles and entirely reliant
upon the situation to offer its own solutions.
Situation ethics enters the decision-making context armed with principles,
150
but they are hypothetical and not categorical, i.e., they are not to be treated
as inviolable laws but have validity only in the measure to which they are
applicable in a situation. And "if love seems better served by doing so," prin-
ciples may be either compromised or abandoned (p. 26).
If one asks, "What guides decisions when principles are abandoned?"
Professor Fletcher answers that "Christian situation ethics has only one norm
or principle or law . . . that is binding and unexceptionable, always good
and right regardless of the circumstances. That is 'love' — the agape of the
summary commandment to love God and the neighbor. Everything else . . .
(is) only continqcnt, only valid // the\ happen to serve love in any situation."
(p. 30) ^
This, in sum, is the substance of the book. What follows in the remaining 140
pages is chiefly explication and illustration of the situational method. It is
perceptive and passionate and provocative writing ; and no one would be more
surprised than Joseph Fletcher if this book failed to excite critical response,
because he knows better than most just how j(«-traditional his approach really
is. The first thing to be said about this book, then, has to be a word of thanks.
It is engagingly written and betrays throughout the compassionate and critical
temper of the man who wrote it. I expect this book to be around for awhile
because the position it takes will probably not be better stated anytime soon.
In brief, I suspect that Professor Fletcher has argued the case for situationism
as convincingly as one (in our situation) can.
This is not to say that the case is convincing. At least there are several
questions which deserve to be raised and an observation or two to be made.
In the first place, this book does not manage to maintain the mediating
position which it claims for itself. Its emphasis is plainly on teleology (cf.
p. 43), and a role for deontological ethics is very uncertain indeed. The only
imperative which Fletcher acknowledges merely enjoins one to will whatever
in the situation may be right; but what is right is to be calculated in terms
of a sunimum bonum which, for the Christian, "is neighbor-centered first and
last" (p. 31).
This procedure itself, however, is mistaken if one recalls that the summum
bonum, in Christian thought, has been seen as integral to the summwn esse;
and that, therefore, to ask the question of the highest good is to speak within
both ontological and hierarchical categories. Yet Fletcher maintains that the
neighbor's good cannot be anticipatorily prescribed by reference to any such
esse but can only be decided in each "definite, yet unconcluded, unique and
transient situation" (p. ZZ). The reason for this may be got at, provision-
ally perhaps, by a closer look at Fletcher's understanding and use of agape.
What guides one in willing the neighbor's good in the situation is, of
course, "love". But this is love regarded as a "predicate" only, i.e., as non-sub-
stantive and formal, as a principle which expresses "what type of real actions
Christians are to call good" (p. 60). Agape, Fletcher argues, is nothing "given"
or objectively real or self-existent in the context of our existence. "Only in
the divine being, only in God, is love substantive. With men it is a formal
principle, a predicate. Only with God is it a property. This is because God is
love. Men, who are finite, only do love." (p. 62) With this Fletcher has
affirmed a "transcendent form" in the classical Platonic-Aristotelian tradition
and, having allowed the rules of the game to be so set, he is beaten before
play begins — unless he can devise some way by which the "real" can be ex-
perienced and evaluated without reference to the "ideal".
But what Fletcher wants to do cannot be done in the way he has chosen.
He has so defined "situation" as to make it ready-made, a simple "that's how
151
it is", just as Platonic-Aristotelian thought defined the being of man as ready-
made. What was non-being to Plato, namely, the world of becoming, is simple
being for Fletcher; and Fletcher's non-being (i.e., that which cannot be
structured) is consciousness. But both are ahistorical because both are ex-
carnate ways of thinking about being and value. There is no intrinsic com-
munion between being and non-being, or between the decision-maker and the
situation in which he finds himself. For Fletcher, one is not embodied in a
situation ; he is simply "up against" a situation. What one does, therefore, "in"
the situation has no intrinsic corrolary to what the person becomes. The irony
of the situational approach is that it is not situational enough ! The situation,
as "objective circumstances" (p. 14), is really alien; it is "the case" or "what is".
One would want to argue here that love cannot simply be taken or placed
outside the world and then brought back via situational ethics. If agape
is not "given" in the context of our existence, one must always regard
the situation as extrinsic to agape ; and if this be the case, then the problem
of the "good" can never arise because agape cannot become embodied in acts
in which the person, his situation, and his decision are all in deep communion
and mutual dialogue.
Whatever else Fletcher's understanding and use of agape may mean, it
certainly suggests to me that agape is not a human possibility and that there-
fore we do not, in any serious sense, genuinely participate in the redemptive
love of God. My incapacity for the love of which only God is capable (for which
there is no explanation or accounting by Fletcher, but only the positing) thus
makes meaningless the command "to be like God, to imitate him" (p. 63). But,
in addition, it limits my decisions and acts to a kind of heroic fatalism.
Urgent questions, moreover, are certainly raised about the reality and bear-
ing of Incarnation upon this way of doing ethics. Christian ethics has tradi-
tionally held not only that the imitatio Dei is a distinct possibility for one who
acknowledges that God was in Christ, but also that obedience to that prototypal
divine love manifested in him is explicitly commanded. If we are indeed in-
capable of expressing agape particularly and concretely, then it needs to be
shown how tliis is so in view of the Incarnation. Meanwhile, it is a more tenable
view that love, like conciousness, is always incarnate, that is, it is a being-in-
the-world through my being-in-my-body ; and, as such, this being is fluid with-
out being groundless, structured and structuring without being substantive
and forever the same. The agape of which Fletcher speaks is excarnate and for
that reason non-situational.
To return for a moment to the assertion that love is a principle which ex-
presses "what type of real actions Christians are to call good" : Professor
Fletcher points out that these actions, as indicative of value, are worthy only
because the action "happens to help persons (thus being good) or to hurt per-
sons (thus being bad)" (p. 59). He argues, further, that "Apart from the
helping or hurting of people, ethical judgments or evaluations are meaning-
less. . . . Christian situation ethics asserts firmly and definitely : Value, worth,
ethical quality, goodness or badness, right or zvrong — these things are only
predicates, they are not properties." (p. 60) In other words, situation ethics
is nominalistic, but with a twist : whereas medievalists argued that good is good
because God regards it as such, Fletcher argues that man makes this judgment.
Objective value theory, in whatever guise, is of course rejected.
It deserves remarking in this connection that throughout the book too many
basic problems are too easily dismissed. Fletcher regards the ease with which
situational casuistry resolves problems as one of its advantages ; but it is
precisely the ease with which decisions and acts are applauded or condemned
that makes me uncomfortable.
152
There are also other questions which, however awkward, merit asking.
One of them is : How does one know that he is doing (or has done) the loving
thing (to do) in the situation? What judges decision and action? Given
Fletcher's definition and use of principles (i.e, that they are "illuminators"
but not "directors"), one wonders whether in this sense they retain whatever
it is that denominates them "principles" at all? Situation ethics, it is argued,
"does not ask u'ltat is good but hou> to do good for zvhoin ; not what is love
but how to do the most loving thing possible in the situation." (p. 52) Is it
really the case that one is so entirely void of any notion with respect to what
love demands ? It is certainly true that every new decision is called for in the
light of its own peculiar and unique circumstances and that, therefore, no
inflexible rule or guide for right decision-making may be supposed as the sole
(or even most important) criterion for determining or shaping duty. But one
comes to every new moral decision with the resources of both principles and
judgments which have been formulated in previous decisions. Neither value
system nor situation can thus be said to be autonomous in the decisive moment ;
and what love j.$- will then shape how one is to do it, and vice versa. One may
agree with Fletcher that obligation in the situation cannot be identified with
objectively "right" acts while insisting nevertheless that one ought to try to
decide what is right or good in this objective sense. The "deposit" of value
judgments brought to new moments of decision cannot be either dismissed
or given inferior status in the decision-making process.
Traditionally, Christian ethics has been thought to be inseparable from a
religious milieu in which God has something to do with the meaning of right
and wrong, good and bad, and from which the moral norms which assess human
conduct derive. Whether the neighbor is helped or hurt, then, may not depend
upon reason operating apart from the religious tradition, i.e., whether self or
neighbor gets what he wants out of this decision/act. How the neighbor is
(to be) treated may rather be formulated and assessed by reference to God's
intention for him. That the neighbor is to be loved and what it means to love
him are thus, it would seem, antecedent to doing it. The error of the situationist
approach may lie in the extravagance rather than the exclusiveness of its
claim that "Christian action should be tailored to fit objective circumstances,
the situation." (p. 14) In either case, it promises more than it can produce.
For if alternative courses of action are wholly judged according to the circum-
stances of the existential moment and my possibility for transcending this
limitation be entirely excluded, then freedom becomes only a solicitous plati-
tude and I am victimized by the most brutal kind of contextual and imper-
sonal determinism.
Finally, a quotation will illustrate the functional worth of a value system
(as I think Fletcher's "nonsystem" to be) derived from precommitmeiits to
pragmatism, positivism, and relativism: "The situationist holds that whatever
is the most loznng thing in the situation is the right and good thing. It is
not excusably evil, it is positively good." (p. 65) Thus, if a lie be told unlov-
ingly, it is wrong ; but, if it be told in love, it is good.
It has long been recognized that we often are confronted by a limited range
of act-possibilities over which we exercise little or no control, but it has not
been argued before that necessity in the form of situational problematics can
make otherwise ambiguous choices Christianly and positively good ! The em-
pirical and casuistical temper of situationism has led it, at this point, to a
value theory both unwarranted and untenable.
It is unwarranted because the range of moral understanding is not ex-
hausted by assuming that what appears best under the circumstances can be
called "positively good." It cannot be consistently maintained, for example,
that "killing 'innocent' people might be right." (p. 75) Killing innocent peo-
153
pie, perhaps in wartime, may be unavoidable ; it may even seem to be relatively
good as the better course to take among limited alternatives ; but it cannot be
assigned unambiguous moral value. Rather, if "justification by grace" be taken
seriously, one need not exonerate from moral responsibility by calling equivocal
acts "right" or "positively good". Their contingent and provisional character
can be recognized and accepted for what it is, namely, morally ambiguous
however necessary ! Forgiveness permits us to live without the choices we would
have preferred but didn't have. But it is precisely this quality of the moral
life that one misses in the situationist's baptism of existential necessity with
the waters of normative relativism.
The value theory advocated here is, further, untenable because it estab-
lishes the base for the methodological model upon the exceptional case. Al-
though Professor Fletcher introduces the method of situation ethics with defer-
ence to the place of principles in the decision-making process, every case which
he cites as illustrative of the situational approach demonstrates abandonment
of generally accepted maxims. For example, he relates parallel stories of two
women whose crying children threatened the safety of their respective wagon
trains moving west (p. 125). One woman killed her baby "with her own hands",
and she and her companions reached the sanctuary of the fort ; the other woman
tried unsuccessfully to soothe her baby, and she and her party were dis-
covered and destroyed by Indians. Fletcher's altogether rhetorical question,
"Which woman made the right decision?", is much too simplistic in its implied
answer. Moreover, he is guilty of doing precisely what he elsewhere con-
demns, namely, asking one to generalize value judgments without careful
scrutiny of the whole range of contextual configurations. But, beyond all else,
it is not inconceivable to me that a group of people might deliberately choose
almost certain death (whether at the hands of Indians, Nazis, or the KKK)
rather than submit to existence bought at a cost which would reduce life to
animality.
What emerges from Situation Ethics is a way of doing ethics which is cer-
tainly a corrective to old-line legalism and pietism. But if it were widely
accepted and practiced, both Professor Fletcher and I would be put out of our
jobs. For what is oflfered here requires no reflection from the "professional"
moralist and theologian. Indeed, it is plain that the theologizing task is
undertaken by anyone who thinks about "God", although this thinking need
not be done within the perspective of systematic, historical, or dogmatic Chris-
tian reflection. What, precisely, this "God thinking" comes to is far from clear.
What is more certain is that one of the most serious weaknesses of this
book is its radical individualism and its limited capacity to deal significantly
with social issues. These issues, in fact, are only infrequently mentioned, and
one is left to wonder how the situationist method would take shape in such
problem areas as race, war, and the like. Another large question-mark deserves
to be placed by Fletcher's implied anthropology. It may be granted that man
can respond to the love of God ; the urgent question is whether he does in any
manner consistent with the character and authority which Fletcher apparently
wishes to assign him.
This review has been written in the context of an imminent printing dead-
line, so there is more to be said and written. Nevertheless, and at the risk of
concluding rather obliquely, the prevailing mood of Situation Ethics (in my
situation) seems well represented by a remark from the defense attorney in the
recent and celebrated Mossier murder trial. Said Percy Forman : "My clients
want freedom, not justice." (Life, April 1, 1966) That, in a nutshell, just might
be the credo of the new morality in general, and this book in particular.
— Harmon L. Smith
154
The Satanzvard Viezv: A Study in
Pmdine Theology. James Kallas.
Westminster. 1966. 152 pp. $4.50.
Here is a new work on the theol-
ogy of Paul which will be applauded
in some circles and damned in others
with varying shades of each in be-
tween. It is a study of Paul's views
from what the author calls the "satan-
ward view" ; that is, that the central
essence of Paul's thought (as well as
that of Jesus) revolves around the
hub of demonology-eschatology. Jesus'
work was aimed at Satan not at God,
as so many scholars have argued.
This involves taking demonologj'
(". . . the belief in a limited dualism",
p. 22) very seriously.
One can readily perceive that this
involves many modifications in the
interpretation of Paul's thought (a
chart is supplied illustrating these on
pp. 30-31). This point can be clari-
fied by the author's statement con-
cerning the resurrection.
The resurrection, from the God-
ward view, can no longer be seen
as a victory, but must instead be
seen within the light of a trans-
action within the Godhead, a sign
of God's approval of or acceptance
of the work of Christ, already
completed in his suffering on the
cross. Indeed, in the Satanward
point of view, it is the resurrection
that is vital, central, the place of
triumph over Satan. But in the
Godward view the emphasis moves
from the resurrection, which is
merely a corroborative sign, to the
crucifixion itself, (p. 27)
The author asserts that both em-
phases are present in Paul's thought
but that the Godward is second-
ary and derivative, whereas the Sa-
tanward view is primary and deter-
minative. He then proceeds to inter-
pret Paul's life and thought in the
succeeding chapters {2>-7). His final
chapter is entitled, "A Study in Demy-
thologizing". in which he concludes
that Rudolf Bultmann has sold a "bill
of goods" and that ". . . no demy-
thologizing is necessary" (p. 149).
In fact the great tragedy of contem-
porary theology, he feels, lies in its
failure to accept the "hub of demon-
ology-eschatology" (p. 133).
This is not the place for detailed
argument with the author, but suffice
it here to say that Professor Kallas
has argued well, but in the mind of
this reviewer he has definitely over-
stated his case. There are many
interpretations of various passages
which are at best "strained" (cf. his
interpretation of Romans 3 :25 ; I Cor.
12; his interpretation of faith, sin,
and death, to cite only a few). His
critical acceptance of Ephesians as
Pauline demands more than a brief
statement in the preface, especially
since he makes so much of Ephesians
as one of the last of Paul's letters
(p. 124).
There are many technical errors in
this publication, indicating perhaps
some hasty editing and proofreading.
There are errors in the transliteration
of certain Greek letters ; there are
instances where entire lines are
omitted or there are misprints of
significant proportion ; there is a place
where a Greek plural occurs where
the singular is evidently in order. In
addition to these there is no bibliog-
raphy (except for the footnotes), nor
is there an index of any description.
Either or both of these would have
made the book more useful.
In spite of these negative points the
book will probably serve some useful
purposes. The reader will find some
interesting ideas and interpretations
therein, and even if he disagrees,
Professor Kallas has warned us
against too heavy a reliance on the
"Godward view" in the thought of
the great apostle.
— James M. Efird
The Eschatology of Paul in the Light
flf Modern Scholarship. Henry M.
Shires. Westminster. 1966. 287 pp.
$6.95.
"Behind the words of Paul lie cer-
tain basic conceptions and beliefs that
155
constitute the center of his eschatol-
ogy. It is this core that we seek to dis-
cover." (p. 21) In these' words the
author sets forth his purpose in writ-
ing this particular work. He then
proceeds to examine the major cate-
gories of Paul's eschatological thought
in the succeeding chapters ; he dis-
cusses such topics as "The Coming
of the Lord" (chapter II), "Begin-
ning the New Life" (chapter VII),
for example. Finally he concludes with
a chapter relating Paul's thought to
the present time and presents four
central affirmations which mediate
Paul's eschatology to the modern
world. These are :
1. History is a primary medium of
God's activity and revelation.
2. Christians are directly related to
the future as well as the past
through hope and judgment.
3. The Christian life is marked by
paradox and apparent logical in-
consistency.
4. God's supreme gift to all is life.
(Cf. pp. 222-232)
There are numerous questions which
arose in the mind of this reviewer
during his reading of this work, many
of which were never really answered.
For example, it is very unclear just
what the author regards as the com-
ing age" in the mind of Paul (cf. p.
229). It is also a debatable point as
to whether the apocalyptic element in
Paul's thought can be played down
as much as the author would seem
to suggest. "But it is not thereby to
be assumed that Paul regards these
pictures [apocalyptic imagery in I
Thes. 4:13-18] as literally true. In
fact, it is most unlikely that he ever
did so." (p. 218) Really? It is also
questionable whether Paul divides his-
tory into five ages (p. 216) or that
election in Paul is "to salvation" (p.
122). There are many other points
which could be raised, but these will
suffice to show something of the
author's viewpoint.
The overall value of the work
would have been greatly enhanced
if the footnotes had been placed at
the bottom of each page rather than
at the back of the book (as is so popu-
lar today). There is a very good
bibliography included, which is prob-
ably the most valuable part of the
book, as well as several indexes
which will prove helpful to those
using this work.
— James M. Efird
Saint Francis of Assisi. Omer Engle-
bert. (Translated by Eve Marie
Cooper). Franciscan Herald Press.
1965. xii + 616 pp. $8.50.
This is a book to make one's heart
leap. As a biography, its soundness
and charm are well known. The nar-
rative has delightful movement ac-
celerated by copious extracts from the
sources, both those more critical and
ones less so. In its present form the
liveliness of the basic account has
added to it the updating of notes to-
gether with a technical foreword, re-
search guide, and invaluable appen-
dices. The larger part of the foreword
and guide to researchers on St.
Francis from 1939 to 1963, as well as
most of the appendices I-VII, are by
Raphael Brown of the Library of
Congress, assisted by Ignatius Brady,
O.F.M. They are models of dis-
criminating comprehensiveness and
critical acumen. The solidity, inge-
nuity and downright common-sense
keying in of sources and secondary
literature of every description pro-
vide one with an unprecedented re-
search tool and a warm feeling of
admiring appreciation. About every
conceivable ramification of critical
sources both old and new, and vir-
tually all topical aspects of Francis-
can studies are listed and briefly an-
notated. The appendices alone com-
promise over one-third of the book.
The translation is reliable and idio-
matically flowing. The present com-
mentator bows in grateful salute to a
magnificent achievement. To say that
the work is indispensable is an under-
statement.
— Ray C. Retry
156
Style and Content in Christian Art.
Jane Dillenberger. Abingdon. 1965.
239 pp. + 82 plates. $2.95 (Paper-
back).
This review is particularly appro-
priate for two groups involved in this
journal : namely, well-trained pas-
tors and intelligent laymen. The title
is honest, the approach logical and
effective. The author knows what she
is doing, both artistically and theo-
logically. Often grubby matters like
iconography, form, composition and
meaning in works of art are clearly
and interestingly handled in the sec-
tion called "Looking at Paintings".
It is a model of common-sense lucid-
ity. The eras of early Christian and
Byzantine, as well as Medieval and
Renaissance art are assessed histori-
cally and with sensitive insight. The
discussion comes down through the
sixteenth and seventeenth centuries in
Italy through Rembrandt and into the
twentieth century. In some ways the
last part is unduly abbreviated. The
present reviewer would have been
grateful for more stress on the crea-
tive as well as the less edifying
aspects of modern art. Having been
engaged, however, in a wide-ranging
discussion with discriminating laymen
in a church school, he is appreciative-
ly aware of the many choice guide
lines woven into the section on con-
temporary art.
The text treatment of Bruegel,
Giotto, El Greco, Michelangelo, Tin-
toretto and Rembrandt, for example,
are first-rate — as are the illustrative
plates. Interpretative evaluations of
the roles of such twentieth-century
masters as Nolde, Rouault and Matisse
are excellent. Preachers should not
"bone up" on a book like this and
then do secondary "handouts" by way
of an "illustrated" lecture. The whole
church in groups, preferably with the
pastor joining in a systematic study
of plates in regard to the text, should
engage in a genuine confrontation
of their whole past, present and future
together.
This work, used together with
Nathan, Art and the Message of the
Church and the Getlein's Christianity
in Modern Art would provide a rich
year-long study of painting, sculpture
and architecture such as every Chris-
tian church, large and small, should
have. (See my article in this bulletin,
November, 1963, pp. 210-16). As a
church historian and, I hope, a prac-
ticing confessor in the Christian tradi-
tion, I recoil more every day at the
smug idea so long implanted in us ;
namely, that Biblical texts and "pul-
piteering" are enough. The Bible,
itself, is meaningless without pictures
— the ones it creates and the ones that
recreate its spirit. A little less "in-
spirational" claptrap, however "spiri-
tually" denominated, and much more
of "indoctrination" in the true heri-
tage of the arts would help make bet-
ter Christians of us all for our age of
searching contemplation and vicarious
action. "Preachers", "pastors", and
"teachers" need to collaborate in
church and school at doing the kind
of thing this book exemplifies. The
plates are good, though there are not
enough contemporary ones, I fear.
The appendix on "Buying Art Books"
is very useful, though necessarily con-
tracted. So is the index.
— Ray C. Petry
Contemporary Continental Theolo-
gians. Paul Schilling, Abingdon,
1966. 277 pp. $5.00.
In this excellent book Professor
Schilling of Boston University School
of Theology introduces the reader to
some leading representatives of con-
temporary continental theology. The
four parts of the study deal respec-
tively with Protestant, Catholic, and
Eastern Orthodox thinkers, and
finally, in summary fashion, with
"Current Movements in Perspective".
The section on Protestantism is sub-
divided into discussion of "Theologies
of the Word of God" (Barthian
types), the "Theologies of Existence"
(Bultmann and associates), and "Neo-
157
Lutheran" theologies. (For the sake
of symmetry Schilling might well
have added a section on such neo-
Reformed theologies as that of G. C.
Berkouwer of Amsterdam.) Each
theologian is presented objectively and
appreciatively in a style that is pleas-
ing and clear.
The ecumenical range of this book
dramatizes the new situation in
modern Christian theology, for the
reader will discover that Roman
Catholic and Greek Orthodox theolo-
gians, by their recognition of the final
authority of scripture, have become
dialogical partners with Protestant
theologians. Indeed, the distinguished
Jesuit, Karl Rahner appears to ad-
dress himself in refreshing and ecu-
menical terms to the hiatus between
Earth's orthodoxy and Bultmann's
existentialism which has too long
troubled Protestant theologians. It is,
in a way, distressing to realize that
competence in Protestant theology can
be assured no longer by merely keep-
ing abreast of Protestant literature.
Hopefully to whet the reader's
appetite, let me offer some impressions
gained from this book : First, that
if one knows Karl Earth at all well,
he will find little new or enlighten-
ing in Hermann Diem and, to a cer-
tain extent, in Joseph Hromadka ;
secondly, that Gogarten and Ebeling,
able as they are, evidence more than
anything else the creative power of
Eultmann ; third, Gustav Wingren's
neo-Lutheranism suggests the idolatry
of tradition, whereas Edmund Schlink
reflects a disciplined respect for it ;
finally, it is evident that there is
little in common between existential-
ist theologies and the Church theol-
ogies of Roman Catholicism and
Greek Orthodoxy, so that Church-
oriented Protestant theologies, espe-
cially those of Earth and Schlink,
seem more promising for ecumenical
conversation than the others.
This work suffers, of course, limita-
tions imposed by its concept. Doubt-
less many readers will wish that cer-
tain other theologians had been heard
from, perhaps from among the
younger set, such as Wolfhart Pan-
nenberg of Mainz, Germany. Those
who identify with a school or a theo-
logian may feel that their master has
been caricatured at points, if not
misunderstood. I, for instance, can-
not attach much meaning to Schil-
ling's effort to contrast Earth's an-
thropology with that of Rahner, who
"sees human nature so permeated
by divine grace that there is no such
thing as a purely natural man" (p.
273). I suffered a bit of disappointment
with the final section, which is little
more than a statement in compari-
son and contrast. One might well ask,
"So what?" The big question re-
mains : whence comes and whither
goes contemporary theology? Perhaps
Schilling would leave that judgment
to the reader.
I am grateful to Professor Schilling
for this fine book, which is essential
to the thinking preacher's library.
Perhaps the author's most distin-
guishing achievement is the commit-
ment of his thorough scholarship in
the service of honest objectivity rather
than sectarian polemics. You will en-
joy and profit from the reading of
this book.
— Robert T. Osborn
Department of Religion
The Message and Its Messengers.
Daniel T. Niles. Abingdon. 1966.
128 pp. $2.50.
Even to the many admirers of D. T.
Niles, this will come as a very slim
book — in quality as well as quantity.
The author admits in his Preface that
"there is no developing argument and
. . . seemingly unrelated themes are
dealt with in succession." But the
explanation that "the Christian Mis-
sion must take into account a whole
developing history and the many con-
cerns which that history points up"
still does not justify the disjointed
thought and style. "The thrust of the
spoken word" (at the Methodist Mis-
sion Consultation in Gatlinburg, 1964)
158
unfortunately turns out to be, for the
most part, neither orderly Bible study
nor systematic lectures, but rambling,
anecdotal homilies.
D. T. Niles always has some bril-
liant and perceptive things to say —
even if (as he acknowledges) he has
said some of them before. The chal-
lenges of ecumenicity, the presence of
Christ even where he is not openly
confessed, the temptations of "coexis-
tence" and "Judaizing" and "accommo-
dation" for the sake of security, the
inclusiveness of the "circle of reality"
with Christ at the center — these and
many other perspectives are vividly
presented. Niles fits no convenient
category of liberal or orthodox. He
stresses salvation of human history
and the whole universe, not simply of
the Christian individual, yet declares
that "the doctrine of predestination,
the doctrine of election, and the doc-
trine of the last judgment must be
held together" (p. 31). He sharply
condemns the world structures of de-
nominationalism, yet asserts that "we
are not allowed ... to change the
Church" (p. 19).
Those who hope for a distillation of
D. T. Niles' wisdom on "Missions
Today and Tomorrow" (the sub-
title) will be disappointed. Those who
are "panning" for scattered nuggets
of Christian insight, to stimulate their
own thinking or their digging into
Niles' other more substantial ore (eg.
Upon the Earth, McGraw-Hill, 1962)
will find real gold — but perhaps not
two cents' worth per page.
— Creighton Lacy
Planning for Protestantism in Urban
America. Lyle E. Schaller. Abing-
don. 1965.
Long-rangC' planning as a rational
administrative process has become
generally accepted by business, gov-
ernment, education and most profes-
sions. Adoption of a formal planning
process, however, has only recently
been noted in church circles, and then
primarily on the denominational level
rather than in the local church. Thus
an easily read yet profoundly insight-
ful book applying relevant planning
principles to church decision-making
is more than welcome.
By training and experience the
author is adequately prepared to
write in the field. A professional city
planner with master's degrees in polit-
ical science, American history and
urban planning, Mr. Schaller entered
seminary and obtained a B.D. from
Garrett Theological Seminary "with
distinction". He now serves as direc-
tor of the Regional Church Planning
Office of Cleveland-Akron, Ohio, a
fourteen-denominational approach to
a multiple metropolitan region.
A recent trend in the planning pro-
fession is the insistence that "plan-
ning is for people" rather than for
design, beauty or efficiency alone.
Schaller draws attention to new fac-
tors in planning which emphasize this
person-centered approach. Some theo-
logical-ethical contributions have
been : an increased concern with the
"why" or philosophy of planning ; in-
terest in the church's theological role
as well as its sociological one ; a doc-
trine of man which clarifies and sys-
tematizes a planner's role ; and an in-
sistence on the important of values
and norms in the decision-making
process.
The author presents an excellent
historical review of "comity" and
other early forms of interdenomina-
tional planning, pointing out limita-
tions of rigidly following set rules,
suggesting instead a research-planning
approach which can be flexible
enough to recognize variances in
specific situations.
Two major contributions of the
book are the author's proposals (1)
that the "urban region" rather than a
state or city be the unit of study in
church planning in spite of present
administrative boundaries, and (2)
that the relevance of denominational
decision-makers be recognized by
those engaged in planning.
159
In calling attention to dangers in-
herent in the institutionalization of
religion, the author appears to be but
an echo of the popular attack of recent
years on the church as an institution.
Perhaps it is time for an objective
author to review the religious and
social benefits of institutions without
which society could scarcely exist.
Mr. Schaller rightfully stresses the
difficulty of applying urban planning
principles to a voluntary institution
like the church. Yet when he attempts
to list "obvious" and "self-evident"
church planning principles, he forgets
this cautious attitude. In thirteen out
of fourteen instances he fails to docu-
ment his statements by reference to
actual research, some of which this
reviewer knows runs contrary to the
proposed principles. A statement such
as "There is only one effective way
to limit the size of the membership
in a local church" — "sending out
colonization teams" (134f.) is difficult
to believe without considerable ex-
perimental evidence, none of which is
given.
Another weakness is that illustra-
tions are drawn primarily from the
urban areas of the Midwest and New
England states where interdenomina-
tional cooperation has received fairly
wide acceptance. Questions naturally
follow as one wonders if the^ same
principles or approach will apply
equally well in the South or Far
West, whether rural areas or small
towns can profit from the same
principles.
A thought provoking chapter is the
final one on "The Church of Tomor-
row". Projections of current trends
are used to substantiate a hypotheti-
cal look at the future of the urban
church. Mr. Schaller foresees a grow-
ing specialization within the ministry,
a rise of denominational control over
clergy and local program as well as
in church extension, and a decrease
in the importance of church buildings
per se. These changes should permit
more effective long-range planning, he
claims. Also expected are improved
religious education for the laity and
increased secular competition for our
expanding leisure time.
Planning for Protestantism in Urban
America has much to offer the de-
nominational administrator, the parish
minister and the thoughtful layman
alike. Certainly sound planning pro-
cedures are necessary in an age of
rapid social change. There is a dan-
ger, however, that if a reader's con-
tact with the planning process is
limited to this one volume "planning"
might be viewed as a defensive pos-
ture the church assumes in the face of
decisions originating outside itself,
rather than a guide in self-determina-
tion employing Christian goals.
— Daniel M. Schores
Mental Health Through Christian
Communit\'. Howard J. Clinebell.
Abingdon." 1965. 300 pp. $4.75.
Howard Clinebell has given us a
much needed book. There continues
to be uncertainty as to how the activi-
ties of the individual local church
can be enhanced and tapped for the
fostering of emotional maturity and
religious understanding. Often the
activities of worship, church school,
committee meetings, etc. are done as
matters of routine, without much
"depth" benefit to the participants.
The author here scrutinizes the
Christian message, worship, preach-
ing, prophetic ministry, the church
school, group life, church administra-
tion, family life, pastoral counseling,
the mentally ill and their families, and
minister-layman collaboration, always
trying to answer the question, "How
can this area of the life of a church
make the maximum contribution to
the spiritual health and growth of
persons?" (p. 15) He is searching for
a "person-centered ministry" that will
foster "wholeness" in local churches,
which "wholeness" includes religious
and emotional growth. The local
church emphasis of the book, with its
specific recommendations, constitutes
its uniqueness and increases its merit.
160
The unpleasant truth, however, is
that one cannot simply read this book
and then do what Clinebell is sug-
gesting unless as a minister or layman
one possesses competence in under-
standing people at very basic levels,
psychologically and religiously. Many
of our church leaders, both clergy and
laity, are lacking in such understand-
ing. Adequacy in the understanding of
people at these basic levels comes only
with intense struggle. If a church
wants this kind of wholeness, it must
have as its leaders people who have
wrestled with psychological and exis-
tential aspects of being human.
Regretfully we have not done what
we might have done to bring to the
center of our churches the knowledge
and grace which can be received when
one struggles to understand oneself
and others.
In reflecting upon the leadership
requirements for such a "person-cen-
tered ministry" and the difficulties in-
volved, Qinebell writes :
Optimal training for a person-cen-
tered ministry includes three
things : (a) Experiences which
lead to the understanding of one's
religious heritage (through the
study of Bible, theology, and
church history), of contemporary
revelation regarding man (through
the study of developmental psychol-
ogy, anthropology, group dynamics,
education, abnormal psychology,
and so forth), and to the ability to
meaningfully correlate these two
bodies of truth, (b) a period of
clinical pastoral training, and (c),
opportunities to discover or resolve
one's inner problems (through in-
dividual or group psychotherapy),
and to develop a tough, growing
faith, (p. 270)
Obviously these are high standards,
but are they too high, considering the
enormity of the task? Clinebell thinks
not (and I agree with him). Yet I
would want to add that an adequate
period of clinical pastoral training can
happen in a supervised parish expe-
rience as well as in a more traditional
hospital setting, provided of course
that the parish experience has within
it the elements necessary for growth,
such as small training groups, etc.
This is a programmatic book which
ministers ought to read and have
available for reference. Through it
one can gain stimulation and perspec-
tive for new growth experiences in
local churches.
John C. Detwiler
Resident Chaplain
Duke University
Medical Center
Alumni in Missionary Service
(NB : Those on furlough would enjoy seeing friends and classmates, those on
the field always welcome letters ; where no address is given or furlough
dates indicate change, use Methodist Board of Missions, 475 Riverside Drive,
New York, N. Y. 10027.)
Belzer, Elaine, '66, P. O. Box 756, Manila, Philippines
Bigham, William O., '56, Faculdade de Teologia, Rudge Ramos, Sao Paulo,
Brazil
Brose, Reinhard, MRE '58, Caixa Postal 93, Soledade, R.G.S., Brazil
Burton, John, '59, Box 844, Yuma, Arizona
Clay, Charles W., '32 (A.B. '29), C.P. 1916, Brasilia, D.F., Brazil
Garrison, J. William, '52, (furlough from Brazil 1966-67)
Glass, Ernest W., '46, (furlough from Southern Baptist Mission, Singapore,
1966-67)
Golden, Wendell L., Sp. '61, Gbarnga Methodist Mission, c/o College of West
Africa, Monrovia, Liberia
Goodwin, E. Ray, '55, Box 127, David, Panama
Goodwin, James W., '57, C.P. 1466, Belo Horizonte, M. G., Brazil
Hackney, Edwin, '55 (A.B. '52), c/o Aldersgate, Bhupinder Nagar Road, New
Patiala, Punjab, India
Hanson, Coriless V., '57, P.B. 636, East Salisbury, Rhodesia
Harbin, A. Van, Jr., '32, Kwansei Gakuin, Nishinemiya, Japan
Haruyama, Justin G., '61 (furlough from Japan 1966, at Duke Divinity School)
Hilton, David, '64, Box 46, Kuantan, Pahang, Malaysia
Hodges, James, Th.M. '65, A.P.O. 31, San Francisco, California
Howard, Robert, '47, (furlough from Burma 1966-67)
Huddle, Paul, Sp. '61, (address unknown)
Jones, Randolph L., Sp. '59, 72 Prospect Street, Wellesley Hills, Mass., 02181
Judy, Carl W., '43, 171 II San Dong, Wonju, Korea
Lowdermilk, Max, '55, (A.B. '52) 4 Civil Lines, Khanewal, West Pakistan
Megill, George, '52 (furlough from Brazil 1965-66)
Northup, Richard E., '62, 1020 South Beretania Street, Honolulu 14, Hawaii
Ogle, George, '54 (after July 1966: 83 Nai Dong, Inchon City, Korea)
Peery, William P., Grad. 1964-6, Luthergiri, Rajahmundry 1, A.P., India
Peterson, J. L., Jr., '61, B.P. 226, Lodja, Republic of Congo
Robinson, Milton H., '48 (furlough from Bolivia 1966-67)
Seely, Donald, '64, 5 Shimo Shiragane-cho, Hirosaki-shi, Aomori-Ken, Japan
Sidwell, George W., Grad. '61, I.P.O. Box 1182, Seoul, Korea
Smith, Jack C, '57, Box 322, Kahuku, Oahu, Hawaii.
Spitzkeit, James W., '55, Methodist Mission, P. O. Box 16, 34 Mok Dong,
Taejon, Korea
Stanford, James E., '60, Apartado 448, Trujillo, Peru
Stone, W. Denver, '59, Box 483, Singapore
Swain, David, '51, (A.B. '48), 116 Aoyama Minami-cho, 6-chome, Minato-ku,
Tokyo, Japan
Theis, Jack, MRE '66, A.P.O. 31, San Francisco, California
Tucker, C. Qyde, Jr., '52, Methodist Church, Casilla 250, Puntas Arenas, Chile
Young, Mrs. F. L., '52, #10 United Christian Hospital, P. O. Gulbarg Scheme
#3, Lahore, West Pakistan
THE
DUKE
DIVINITY
SCHOOL
REVIEW
RfiU 8l m I'-''
Autumn 1966
Prayer
Almighty and ever blessed God, Ancient of Days, yet ever new,
who didst call Thy people of old by many mighty acts of salvation,
Thou didst so fashion Israel that always, when she thought she had
reached the goal, she had to take to the road again, and march toward
the future, singing always new songs of expectation.
And in this latter day Thou hast called us as heirs in Christ of the
unending way of the pilgrim people of God.
So at this season of ending, enliven us afresh with the promise
of new beginnings, turn us toward the future with quiet courage and
steadfast hope.
We have inherited the wisdom of all the ages, but we do not yet
understand the truth. We are wise, but weary. We have spoiled our
sight in poring over many books, while the greatest secrets of the
human heart remain unread by us.
We acknowledge our gratitude before Thee for all those students
this year and every year committed to our care. We pray Thee to raise
up in these days from among them an increasing number of godly
men, filled with the old prophetic fire and with apostolic zeal, to bless
Thy people and edify and revive Thy Church.
We praise Thee for the goodly fellowship we here enjoy. For-
give us if we have been harsher in criticizing and judging our col-
leagues than in judging ourselves. And save us again, as Thou hast
saved us in the past, by enabling us to see in each other a brother
for whom Christ also died — we are all of us frail vessels in constant
need of his grace.
Comfort us today by the assurance, that wherever our paths may
lead, neither the ravages of time nor the separation of distance can
break the tie that binds us together in Christ. He dwells in us and we
in him, and nothing can separate us from his love.
And to Thee, O God, be the glory.
Amen.
— Hugh Anderson
Delivered at the final Divinity School faculty meeting of the 1965-66 academic
year.
THE
DUKE
DIVINTY
SCHOOL
REVIEW
Volume 31 Autumn 1966 Number 3
Contents
Prayer, hy Hugh Anderson Inside Cover
A Protestant View of Vatican Council II in Retrospect 163
by Robert E. Cushman
John Wesley's First Marriage 175
by Frank Baker
What We Expect from Young Ministers 189
by Paid Hardin, HI
The Eclipse of God and the Vocation of Godliness 193
by Robert E. Cushman
Anxiety, Courage and Truth 204
by William H. Poteat
The Dean's Discourse 213
by Robert E. Cushman
Focus on Faculty 215
by D. Moody Smith, Jr.
Looks at Books 217
Published three times a year (Winter, Spring, Autumn)
by The Divinity School of Duke University
Postage paid at Durham, North Carolina
A Protestant View of Vatican
Council II in Retrospect
Robert E, Cushman
The II Vatican Council is now an event of the past. As I stood
with perhaps eighty other observers before the massive facade of
St. Peter's Basilica on the last great day of splendid ceremonial, the
8th day of December, 1965, I was deeply conscious of high privilege.
So were my colleagues beside me. We had been witnesses and partici-
pants in one of the epoch-making events of modern church history.
The Council had begun under the inspired leadership of the aged
and beloved Pope, John XXIII. It was my own good fortune to be-
gin observership in the 2nd session of 1963 and to return to the third
and fourth, or final, session of 1965. Close, even intimate were the
associations and friendships that had been formed, not only with fel-
low observers but with our hosts, the Roman Catholic brethren. The
unfailing courtesies and consideration shown to the observers by the
staff of the Secretariat for the Promotion of Christian Unity, under
the presidency of Augustine Cardinal Bea and the executive direction
of Bishop J. Willebrands, will remain a lifetime of pleasant heart-
warming memory.
How shall we forget the many vivid hours spent in travels, con-
versation and dining together? Together we shared the hospitality
of monasteries and their monastic brotherhood. Ancient precedents
were set aside, and our wives accompanied us. They dined at tables
in refectories where women had never set foot. It was so at the
Franciscan Monastery of Assisi, at Subiaco, at Montecassino, at
Florence, and most memorable of all, at Casa Mari, a Cistercian
Abbey to the south of Rome, where we were feasted and serenaded
by a most engaging band of young monks — for all the world reminis-
cent of my own seminary students.
But space fails me. It is only to be said that, as the observers
returned session after session, the friendships and interchange with
their Catholic hosts became warm, vital and ever more fruitful. In
the final discussions of the fourth session, we were marvelously en-
gaged with emancipation of mind and spirit in candid discussion in
164
which CathoHcs often held variant views among themselves, Meth-
odists sided with Orthodox against Calvinists, and Lutherans were
quite as likely to gainsay an Anglican as they were a Roman. In
the closing session of the Council we were really "mixing it up"
with candor and unembarrassed good will that was the fruit of mutual
trust and personal understanding nurtured by prolonged association.
So, at the Council's closing, December 8, 1965, it seemed to us
observers, and I believe to most Council Fathers, that John XXIII's
courageous risk in inviting non-Catholic observers had paid off. Quite
apart from the indirect influence on Council debate, quite apart from
formal and informal conversations with committees of Catholic
bishops interested in observer judgment and opinion, quite apart
also from actual if indirect contribution to the shape and emphasis
of some conciliar documents of first importance, the presence of the
observers had created a new ecumenical reality. It was the reality of
living personal exchange, abiding friendships and the heartening ex-
perience of Christian fellowship that had grown to ripeness over and
above acknowledged doctrinal differences. It was fellowship that as-
serted its reality, vouched for itself and for its own possibility despite
ancient misunderstandings and predisposing suspicions and hostilities.
These things, bred of a long past, were somewhat transcended. They
were transcended in being together, in worship at St. Peter's, in de-
bate, in informal gatherings, in the sheer momentum of a common con-
cern for the truth of Christ and the advancement of his Kingdom
in a secular world, and perhaps above all, in common prayer. In the |
II Vatican Council, Catholics and non-Catholics learned that they
could pray together, indeed, that they could hardly avoid praying
together because it had become almost embarrassingly plain that they
owned a common Lord. !
So, the self-conscious approach of the first session of the Council, j
the earlier rather circumspect attention to protocol and nicety, gave \
way in the later sessions to the openness which had come to be the j
new spirit of the Council itself. Whereas the observers were known ^
at first as the "separated brethren," it is quite important to note that j
Pope Paul VI, in his last and farewell audience, with the observers j
addressed them as "Brothers, brothers and friends in Christ."
So it came about in those prolonged and sustained interrelation- j
ships of Christian with Christian, of man with man, in the Council i
days that the question before us was and remains how to grasp our :
divinely-given unity in Christ so as to overcome our actual historical j
r 165
disunity. Too long it has been a disunity in which Christians have
been not only content but stubbornly resolved to live. For many years,
very many I suppose, we shall be occupied with "the nature of the
unity we seek."
Christians will be probing this question. But there are one or two
things in particular to note: First, the II Vatican Council actually
marks a radical change of course in world Catholicism. Present-day
Catholicism not only now seeks but has come to acknowledge at least
in foretaste, not simply the possibility, but the actuality of Christian
community above and beyond ancient ecclesiastical divisions and
long intrenched devisive suspicion and hostility.
Secondly, with the historic service of common prayer held in the
sanctuary of St. Paul's without the walls December 4, 1965, the high-
est possible official authorization was given to the practice of common
worship short of sacramental communion. Thus was implemented
by papal action and precedent the permissive legislation of the Coun-
cil's decree On Ecumenism. Over obstacles and obstruction, opposi-
tion and maneuver, this decree eventually passed. In peril and often
in doubt as to its outcome, it was finally adopted to the profound
relief of the observers and the deep satisfaction of Cardinal Bea and
his staff in the third session of the Council in 1964. With the service
of common prayer at St. Paul's December 4, 1965 (at which I was
privileged to be present), the "word" of De Oecumenismo "was
made flesh" by the Pope himself.
So, John XXIII's revolution of openness has in this respect pre-
vailed. It has prevailed in others, such as religious liberty, the "col-
legiality" of the bishops, the reconstruction of the sacred liturgy, the
Constitution on the Church, the enlarged place and responsibility
of the laity, and many others. But my concern here is to mark the
revolution of openness which now replaces the withdrawal and intro-
version that, on the whole, characterized post-Tridentine Catholicism
in theory, spirit and practice until these recent days.
A few weeks past a friend sent a clipping from Holyoke, Massa-
chusetts. The headline read: "Over 2,000 attend historic joint re-
ligious services here as Christian Unity Week begins." The article
states: "Over 2,000 people filled Second Congregational Church
Tuesday night for the first of two joint ecumenical services ....
Several hundred residents were turned away when all available room
in the church building had been filled. Walls were lined three-deep
with people, and doorways, platforms, and the pastor's study were
166
crowded with the overflow crowd .... Msgr. James J. Fitzgibbons,
Pastor of the Sacred Heart Church, welcomed the large congregation
.... and invited the faithful to come to a similar service at Sacred
Heart on January 25.
"The Rev. F. B. Carr of Grace Congregational Church delivered
the homily. Rev. James J. Anilosky of the First Presbyterian Church
offered prayers; confession of faith (probably the Apostle's Creed)
was led by Rev. Donald H. Gustafson of the First Methodist Church.
The Old Testament lesson was read by Fr. John Kelly of Holy
Family Parish ; the New Testament lesson was read by Fr. John
Vaughn of Sacred Heart Parish." And it goes on : the Litany by an
Episcopal rector ; intercession, Lord's Prayer and blessing by the
Baptist minister.
A friend who attended the service was all but stunned by the
experience. He is an old-time Protestant in a rather Catholic city.
Nothing like this had been heard of ! He called it a "miracle." Well,
this miracle has been happening. It is happening elsewhere. I well
remember my amazement when, with the late Bishop Ferdinand Sigg
of Zurich, of noble memory, I attended such a service at the University
of Montreal when the justly celebrated fimile Cardinal Leger was
host to the Faith and Order Conference of 1963. As this truly ecu-
menical service of common praise and prayer proceeded, our astonish-
ment deepened. Since then, I have seen Cardinal Leger 's informed
and consecrated leadership in the Council at Rome. But while what
happened at Montreal is truly historic, it is now to be remembered
as but a prophecy of what was to come. Yet without the H Vatican
Council it could not have come, certainly it could not have survived.
The Catholics, one might say, have joined the common Christian
World. They will give it leadership. One can expect the pace of this
leadership to accelerate. We may even see shortly a revitalization of
the old-line Protestant churches in America. They will need a re-
newal of their witness and their life. If they have a distinctive mes-
sage, it will behoove them to possess it, to know it and to publish it.
The well-worn ruts and the time-honored routines will hardly suf-
fice in the days ahead, for former times have passed away.
And, therefore, if you ask me what is the consequence and out-
come of the II Vatican Council, I would point first of all to the Hol-
yoke service of Christian unity. It symbolizes and prophesies, I be-
lieve, a new day in world Christianity. It signifies, at least in its be-
ginnings, the passing away of the post-Reformation and counter-
167
Reformation eras. The most palpable effect of the II Vatican Council
is a new readiness and openness for Christian community and com-
mon Christian effort, on the part of world Catholicism. Just as Meth-
odists or Lutherans do not expect forthwith to become Anglicans by
having fellowship or common worship, so neither a Methodist nor
a Roman Catholic shall cease to be such by mutually acknowledging
the common Christian commitment of the other and sharing with
him in the measure that doctrine and conscience allow.
Accordingly, in this domain we are, I think, about to live in a
different Christian world. It will not be one of complete unity in the
foreseeable future, but, it will be increasingly a world of enlarged
understanding, enhanced good will, fellowship and common efforts
and purpose. Its effect on Protestantism will, I believe, be among
other things, renewed theological awakening and renewed vitality
of doctrinal discussion and inquiry. This will have its effect both
upon the conception of ecclesiastical and institutional structures and
upon worship or liturgical practice. It will also have an effect upon
the social concern and action of the churches in the world and a
deepening of their consciousness of responsibility for the world.
II
If, with this background, we ask more narrowly what is the im-
port of the II Vatican Council for Protestant Christianity, for the
several Protestant communions, my first answer would be this:
Protestant Christians of all denominations should mark well the new
and unprecedented openness of Catholicism toward other Christian
communions. It is of utmost importance to recognize that the Roman
Catholic Church has officially decided to enter into dialogue with the
world : first of all, with non-Catholic Christians ; secondly, with
non-Christian religions ; and, thirdly, with the whole of the modem
world in its agonies, defeats and triumphs. This seems to me to be
a revolution when compared with the Catholicism of the First Vatican
Council or even with the Pontificate of Pius XII. It is a reversal
of the standpoint of censure, defensiveness and withdrawal that marked
the prevailing tone and temper of the nineteenth-century official Cath-
olic teaching and ecclesiological policy.
The recent journeys of Paul VI to India in 1964, and to New
York in the fall of 1965, his address to the United Nations, his urgent
and deliberate effort to mount a peace offensive in the face of the
Vietnam crisis and, most recently, his encyclical letter on peace and
168
supportive of the United Nations (September 19, 1966) are indica-
tions of the new dialogue with the world. Also the Declaration on the
Relations of the Church to non-Christian Religions (Council Docu-
ment, 9, October 28, 1965) contains not only the long controverted
Declaration on the Jews but also statements of appreciation for the
values of non-Christian religions through which men (no longer
depreciated as unbelievers) seek to discover and to relate themselves
to the Supreme Being. "The Catholic Church," it declares, "rejects
nothing that is true and holy in these religions. She regards with
sincere reverence those ways of action and of life, those precepts
and teachings which, though differing in many aspects from the ones
she holds and sets forth, nonetheless often reflect a ray of the Truth
which enlightens all men."
But, above all, the dialogue is commended with respect to non-
Catholic Christians. It is plain that Roman Catholicism finds its
closest affinity, on doctrinal and ecclesiological grounds, with
Eastern Orthodoxy. A central aim of Paul VI's trip to the Holy
Land in January, 1964, was to find the proper place of meeting with
the spiritual leaders of Orthodoxy. The mutual and simultaneous
lifting of the ban of excommunication of Paul VI and Athenagoras
of Istanbul on December 7, 1965, was at once a fruit of the Palestinian
journey and a further important step toward reconciliation of East-
ern and Latin Christianity. The ban had been mutually imposed
about 900 years ago in 1054 A.D. It was lifted by a mutual exchange
of letters on the final day of official business of the Vatican Council
in St. Peter's Basilica. As, the next day, I walked to the closing
ceremonies with Bishop Aimilianos, representative of the Patriarch
to the Council, I was assured that this was a most important beginning
of a process which could, in the providence of God, lead to eventual
re-establishment of communion between Eastern and Latin Christian-
ity. The way may be long, but the two ancient churches are presently
on the march in the direction of one another.
But what of dialogue with Protestant Christians? Well, it has
begun already in the four years of Vatican II. It will be attended
by increasing occasions of common prayer or worship, short of sacra-
mental inter-communion. The signs of this are numerous. Since the
close of the Council, reaction on the part of conservative Catholics has
been in the press. But the Father DePauws cannot subvert the spirit
and the declaration of the II Vatican Council. Catholic ecumenism
is here to stay, at least until it is rescinded by another Council. Un-
169
critical and excessive Catholic enthusiasm for the recent ecumenical
emancipation may embarrass constituted authorities in the Church
responsible for conservation of authentic tradition. There is bound
to be internal stress, but the new ecumenical outreach has conciliar
authorization and its deliberate advancement may be expected.
Ill
Now, then, what are some achievements of the II Vatican Council
that both make dialogue possible with Protestant Christians and also
constitute some of its important presuppositions? What, in other
words, are some of the things affirmed or sanctioned by the Council
which Protestants ought to bear in mind as they contemplate both
dialogue and closer associations with their Roman Catholic brethren?
What are the things they must regard as altered and changing within
the mind of Roman Catholic Christianity that, as it seems to me,
markedly distinguishes it from the 400-year-old defensive posture
of the counter-Reformation era ? What are Protestants to understand
if they are not erroneously to hold and be guided by cliches and con-
sequent animosities and suspicions of the past?
Here are a few such changes and such emergent positions, official-
ly adopted by the Council, that require our notice if we are not, like
Don Quixote, to fight windmills or confound ancient hostilities with
real and important issues and dififerences:
(1) In the first place, we must bear in mind that the II Vatican
Council was conceived and aimed and now has succeeded in turning
the search-light of self-criticism upon the ancient Roman Church. I
do not think we can escape the fact that the II Vatican Council rep-
resents the most thorough, searching and sustained self-examination
to which any branch of Christianity has subjected itself since the 16th
Century Reformation and counter-Reformation. The 18th Century
Wesleyan self-examination was long and sustained, but it was neither
heeded nor shared by the Anglican establishment and by confluence
of historical circumstances became a schism. This Roman self-scrutiny
and self-criticism is also marked by a monumental and theologically
informed intellectual output probably unequalled in modern ecclesias-
tical history. Protestants, in undertaking dialogue with Catholics to-
day and tomorrow, must understand not merely that some Catholics
have really done their homework, but also that it has been honestly
and remarkably self-critical.
(2) Secondly, Protestants should realize that the II Vatican
170
Council, again and again, has adopted the principle that the Church
is perpetually in need of self-renewal and reformation, that the un-
faithfulness of men clouds and obstructs the redemptive mission of
Christ through his Church. Cognate to this was and is the rejection
of what Archbishop De Smedt of Belgium in the first session of the
Council denominated "triumphalism" in the Church. Triumphalism
is not simply the disposition to pomp and vain-glory. It is not simply
pride of mind and ecclesiastical snobbery or complacency. Basically,
"triumphalism" was deprecated as a tendency to identify the Church
on earth, the Church militant or the embattled Church, with the King-
dom of God, itself. In its place a new sobriety is accepted about the
Church. It is the "pilgrim people of God." It is the people of mission.
It is the servant Church, not one asserting its claims or affirming its
prerogatives but one accepting anew its responsibility for service in
Christ's name to the world. This is a central acknowledgment of
The Constitution on the Church. The II Vatican Council rejects "tri-
umphalism." It is a fair question, I think, whether American Protes-
tantism has yet fully recognized its own need to do so.
(3) In the third place, Protestants must recognize that a new
understanding of the nature and role of the Church has been strenu-
ously debated and defined by the Council. The Church is viewed
more nearly in Biblical, Pauline and Augustinian terms. It is, first
of all, "The People of God." It is the body of Christ. It is no longer
the hierarchy. In includes all believers, among whom the laity have
an integral and indispensable "apostolate." Correspondingly, "cleri-
calism" has been officially checked and disapproved. The distinctive
role of the ordained clergy is reaffirmed but always in company with
the laity, who are also servants of Christ in mission, word and deed.
The sacramental ministry as a distinctive service of bishops and priests
is affirmed but with the understanding that even in sacramental wor-
ship the congregation and the laity have an integral and active part.
(4) Fourth, the doctrine of the Church has been altered by greater
clarification of the function of the episcopate. The absolute sovereign-
ty of the See of Rome, affirmed in the decrees of the First Vatican
Council, has in my judgment been modified in practice and precedent
and, perhaps, in constitution. First, in the "collegiality" of all bishops
as (1) holding the highest order of ordination and as (2) conjointly
with the Pope, exercising the supreme governing and teaching role
in the Roman Church. The limited autonomy of national and regional
conferences of bishops has received formal authorization. Provision
171
for a Synod of Bishops, world-wide in composition, has been made
by Paul VI for ordinary and extraordinary convocation and business.
Thus, the absolute or almost absolute power of the Roman See and,
more particularly, its administrative and adjunctive arm, the Curia,
has been, both in principle and in fact, limited and modified. A far
more pluralistic world Catholicism is to be looked for in the future,
even though it will not be attained without struggle. The monolithic
absolutism of the first Vatican Council has, as I see it, been breached.
Finally, while the doctrine of Papal "infallibility" (adopted over
weighty protest from within its own membership by the First Vatican
Council) remains, I will hazard the opinion that it has been modified
by the Second Vatican Council in fact rather than in theory. This
seems indicated on two scores : first it has been broadened to include
conciliar declarations and, secondly, it, accordingly, has been explicit-
ly shared with ecumenical councils such as the Second Vatican Coun-
cil.
(5) A fifth reality which Protestants must come to understand
is a newly established centrality of the Bible and of Biblical authority
as normative for the determination of faith and practice, doctrine and
worship. The mainspring and source of the liturgical reform and
renewal represented by the Council's Constitution on the Sacred
Liturgy adopted in 1963 is undoubtedly a renewal of Biblical study,
exegesis, and theology among Roman Catholic theologians over the
past half century. Catholic Biblical scholarship is rapidly catching
up with and overtaking this prominent achievement of Protestant
scholarship. But our interest centers in the fact that the new defini-
tions of church, ministry, worship, revelation and Catholic ecumen-
ism (represented by several important Council documents) are the
result of the somewhat recent vital thrust of Biblical research and
understanding among the generality of Catholic scholars, theologians
and clergy. It is of extreme significance that in Schema XIII, The
Church and the Modern World, it is said that the church in its life
and faith is always subject to the judgment of the Gospel. This is
to acknowledge the stone of stumbling which made Luther's break
with Rome inevitable in the unequal balance of forces of the 16th
Century. The centrality of the Scripture is both a cause and the fruit
of the Second Vatican Council.
(6) Cognate to this, and in the sixth place, Protestants must study
carefully the long controverted and finely chiseled Schema On Divine
Revelation adopted almost at the end of the Council after four years
172
of constant debate, amendment and review. So nicely juxtaposed are
the complementary authorities of Tradition and Scripture that the
knowledgeable modern Protestant will find very much to commend
in the balance of Scripture with tradition that is attained. The rela-
tion is one of dialectical tension, so that the crude superiority of tra-
dition over Scripture, characteristic of counter-Reformation Catholi-
cism, is greatly modified. The position attained is, I think, not far
removed from that of many contemporary New Testament scholars
of Protestant origin.
Quite apart from what this suggests by way of reconciliation of
long-standing Protestant-Catholic differences and even hostilities, it
must now be recognized that the Second Vatican Council has quite
definitely adopted a Biblical basis as fundamental in restructuring
its life and doctrine as a Church. This is official ; it is no longer the
aspiration of liberalizing Catholic scholars or theologians. It is, with
Vatican II, the acknowledged position of the Roman Catholic Church.
In September, 1966, addressing a group of eminent Catholic theolo-
gians, Paul VI stressed the Scriptural foundation of Christian doc-
trine, reminding the assembled group of "the great importance the
Council always attached to Sacred Scripture in doctrinal explana-
tion "
(7) In the seventh place, it is now official policy and doctrine of
the Catholic Church that it participate in the ecumenical movement
of modern times. Whatever uncertainties attach to regional implemen-
tation, and there are many, Catholic ecumenism is policy. It is more
fully and thoroughly defined and avowed than presently exists among
many of the churches of the Reformation. I mean to say that, now,
the aim and effort toward Christian unity is a mandate upon all
Catholics, not just clergy but the whole of the laity and as a real
part of "the lay apostolate." The division and disunity of Christen-
dom is declared contrary to the will of Christ for his Church, and
while it is affirmed that the Roman Catholic is the authentic church
of Christ, it is by no means supposed or declared that the reunion
of Christendom is to be understood simply as return to Rome. I
would venture to say that in his words to the observers in the fall of
1964, the Pope plainly intended something else. The words he used
were "recomposition in unity" to suggest, I believe, a new conception
of the nature and way to the unity we seek.
And, finally, in this connection it is of importance for non-Catho-
lic Christians to notice carefully a phrase which appears in the Council
173
documents. It is the proposition that "the one true religion subsists
in the Catholic and Apostolic Church." We should mark it well that :
(a) the true Christian religion is not exhaustively identified with the
Roman Catholic Church but subsists in it, and (b) that "The Catho-
lic and Apostolic Church" is not exhaustively identified with the
Roman Catholic Church. From these seemingly small distinctions an
unforeseeable harvest of ecumenism may grow, for what is evidently
allowed for is the possibility that true Christian faith or religion
may "subsist" in some measure also in other churches of Christen-
dom. And just this, in fact, is what is allowed and affirmed in the
decree On Ecumenism.
These distinctions may seem insignificant. The phrase of Paul
VI, "recomposition in unity," may give small satisfaction to those
impatient for immediate and unambiguous solutions to long contro-
verted issues. This is understandable, yet it should be realized that
in the solemn context in which the words were uttered, as a direct
address to the observers and by the supreme reigning authority of
the Roman Church, such words are not to be taken as casual but
as deliberate and finely chiseled vehicles, not merely of ideas agonizing
to be born, but as usable instruments for the "easement" of eventual
policy and action. If I may refer to my own experience, there are
three things with which, in the context of discussion and deliberation,
I became quite conscious : first, the profound sense of inescapable
responsibility entertained by Catholic officialdom, and pre-eminently
by the Pope, to be faithful to the venerable consensus of Catholic
doctrine ; secondly, the long, long look ahead and readiness to discover
vehicles for the future emerging in the conjunction of ancient truth
with present urgencies. And, in the third place, consonant with New-
man's theory of the development of doctrine, but added to it, was a
remarkable disposition to open small "growing edges" into the future
with confidence in the leading of the Holy Spirit to find pathways into
larger truth, aspired after, but now not yet visible. Nowhere is this
more apparent than in the decree On Ecumenism ; but it is worthy of
notice that this perspective, fostered and nurtured by Cardinal Bea and
the staff of the Secretariat for the Promotion of Christian Unity, was
not only a presiding rationale in the formation of the document but
gradually created, I believe, a pervasive spirit of acceptance among
the Fathers of the Council that made its adoption possible.
There is one other and last matter to be mentioned, in the seventh
place, which Protestant Christians should have in mind as dialogue
I
174
and fellowship between Catholics and Protestants develop. Protestants
should understand that, however belatedly in their view it has come
to pass, it is now true that after a most interesting and vigorous
contest very full of suspense, the Second Vatican Council did adopt —
against the lag and drag of centuries of contrary theory and prece-
dent— the principle of religious freedom for both individuals and
communities. The dignity of man, according to natural and revealed
law, supports the right of conscientious worship. Men can be con-
strained neither by ecclesiastical nor political power to assent or dis-
sent in matters religious. The inviolability of conscience and man's
vocation before God is affirmed against all coercion whatsoever.
The importance of this reaffirmation of historic Reformation and,
one may say Puritan principles, is great in this period of the Twen-
tieth Century. In and with it is contained a most wholesome correc-
tive against forces in our time that have mocked and traduced the
essential dignity of man. Man's dignity is once again grounded upon
his responsibility and calling under God.
But over and beyond this laudable emphasis is the implied accep-
tance of the disestablishment of religion as a protectorate of the state.
The medieval doctrine of the "two swords" which made the state the
servant of the Church is silently relinquished. But it is also relin-
quished in principle, in the explicit affirmation that religion, and Chris-
tian faith in particular, are matters transcending the power of man or
institutions to establish or dissolve. Religious liberty is a corollary of
the basic Christian tenet that religious faith is a transaction between
God and the individual person, that it cannot be enforced or coerced,
and that the truth of the Christian religion must convict and persuade
by the transparency of its own light. Accordingly, the primary work
of the Church and its ministry and laity is witness, mission, proclama-
tion in word and deed. One can reasonably say that, with this stand-
point, Roman Catholicism and Evangelical Christianity are again
standing more nearly upon the same New Testament and Apostolic
ground.
These, then, are some of the things that are results of the Second
Vatican Council. They have obvious implication for all Protestant
or non-Roman Catholic Christians. Collectively, they compose an
astonishingly different and unprecedented standpoint from which
quite unexpected but promising conversations and koinonia between
Catholics and non-Catholics may unfold in the years ahead. If so, Deo
gratias : God be thanked !
John Wesley's First Marriage
Frank Baker
Professor of English Church History
To those familiar with the story of John Wesley's frustrated
courtship of Grace Murray and his rebound into the jealous arms
of Mrs. Mary Vazeille the title may sound a trifle odd. "But Wesley
was married only once," they will say. "What is the man talking
about? Surely not about Grace Murray!" That, however, is the
case. The fascinating book which Professor Augustin Leger entitled
"Wesley's Last Love" could more correctly have been entitled "Wes-
ley's First Marriage." In this lecture I am not attempting to psycho-
analyze either Grace Murray or John Wesley, nor even to recount
in minute detail the tortured twistings of their strange love affair.
Rather I am trying to throw light on the forgotten marriage laws of
Wesley's England, and the way in which he became entangled in
them. It is a study of Wesley's first marriage as a legal contract
rather than as a personal relationship.
An understanding of Wesley's relationships with Grace Murray
and his rival John Bennet is impossible without ridding ourselves
imaginatively not only of twentieth century social customs but of
twentieth century laws. We have become accustomed to a legal system
which makes divorce easier and marriage harder than they were
during the first half century of Wesley's life. The line of demarcation
in English marriage law is 1754, when Lord Hardwicke's Marriage
Act came into operation. This "introduced for the first time the prin-
ciple that marriage was a civil contract in which the State as well
as the Church was concerned. "'^ Previously marriage law was an
ecclesiastical jungle into which only the bravest dare venture at peril
of their sanity as well as their fortune.
H ■ The curious may follow in the pages of that great ecclesiastical
jurist — and Wesley's opponent — Bishop Edmund Gibson, how in
1541 King Henry VIII secured the legalization of marriages cele-
brated in the Church of England and consummated, even though
there existed a previous contract of marriage, so long as this had
(The annual Faculty Lecture given in York Chapel on May 11, 1966.)
1. English Historical Documents, Volume X, 1714-1783, ed. D. B. Horn and
Mary Ransome, London, 1957, pp. 242-7.
176
not been consummated. This was a minor aspect of the severage of the
umbilical cord which joined the Church of England to mother Rome,
though Roman law remained the happy hunting ground for legal
precedents. Gibson's Codex Juris Ecclesiastici Anglicani also shows
how seven years later this Act was repealed in order to safeguard
such unconsummated contracts of marriage, or "spousals." "The
king's Ecclesiastical Judge" was empowered to try all contested cases,
and where the existence of a contract was proved "to give sentence
for matrimony, commanding solemnization, cohabitation, consumma-
tion and transaction [i.e. treatment], as becometh man and wife to
have." Refusal to comply with his order was punishable by excom-
munication and permanent imprisonment. A further Act of 1603
made bigamy a capital felony, and insisted that private spousals or
marriage contracts were true marriages, even though they did not
have the full weight of marriages duly solemnized in the Church.^ Such
private marriages remained legal and binding until 1754.
It is necessary to distinguish between a private promise of mar-
riage and the private marriage itself. Writing of marriage contracts
in his Ecclesiastical Law, Richard Burn put the matter thus : "Spou-
sals de fiituro are a mutual promise or covenant of marriage to be had
afterwards ; as when the man saith to the woman, I will take thee to my
wife, and she then answereth, I will take thee to my husband. Spou-
sals de praesenti are a mutual promise or contract of present matri-
mony ; as when the man doth say to the woman, I do take thee to my
wife, and she then answereth, I do take thee to my husband."^
Like Gibson, Burn urged that contracts of marriage ought to be
undertaken before witnesses and in the presence of a congregation.
Nevertheless, though ecclesiastically irregular, a marriage contract
made in words of the present tense was until 1754 a legal marriage,
with or without a written agreement, with or without witnesses,
with or without a religious ceremony, with or without consum-
mation. Even though it was somewhat simpler to nullify a mar-
riage unaccompanied by these features, especially consummation, the
essential element was the declaration of the two contracting parties.
In 1749 John Wesley entered into such "spousals de praesenti'' with
Grace Murray, so that she thus became his legal wife, technically
2. Edmund Gibson, Codex Juris Ecclesiastici Anglicani, 2nd ed., London,
1761, pp. 416-447, 1274-77; cf. Henry Swinburne, A Treatise of Spousals, Lon-
don, 1686, pp. 231-2, and William Blackstone, Commentaries on the Laws of
England, 4th ed., London, 1771, vol. 1, p. 439.
3. Richard Burn, Ecclesiastical Law, London, 1763, vol. 2, pp. 16-19.
177
subject to all other matrimonial procedures and duties under pain
of death.
Wesley realized the legal ramifications of what he was doing on
this occasion far more clearly than the vast majority of his contem-
poraries, let alone the post-1754 general reader. Especially was this
true because he had been vicariously dragged through the tangled
undergrowth of English marriage law as a young Oxford tutor many
years before he met Grace Murray. He had served as intermediary in
a dispute which to some extent foreshadowed the circumstances of
his own tragic experience, and whose outcome undoubtedly furnished
one of the reasons why he was content to leave his own lawful wife
in the arms of another. After a brief introductory glance at Wesley's
own first marriage, we will return to it after studying this earlier
incident which gives it much fuller significance, yet has so far re-
mained unknown to his biographers.
Twice-widowed Grace Murray, the 32-year-old housekeeper at
Wesley's headquarters in Newcastle, engaged in a remarkable tri-
angular dance with him and one of his preachers, John Bennet, linking
hands first with one and then with the other until the spectators grow
dizzy. In August 1748 Wesley lay ill in the Newcastle Orphan House,
and his enforced leisure gave him more appreciative eyes for his
housekeeper, who also served as his nurse. About August 12 he spoke
the first tentative words : "If ever I marry, I think you will be the
person." Shortly afterwards he proposed to her "more directly," and
she gave him a "voluntary and express promise" of marriage. This
was a contract de futuro.^
Less than a month later, on September 7, Grace Murray similarly
promised herself to John Bennet, to whose enquiry "Is there not a
contract between you and Mr. Wesley?" she answered, "There is
not." This she did "partly out of love to him [i.e. Bennet], partly
out of fear of exposing" Wesley. To their request for his blessing
Wesley returned "a mild answer, . . . supposing they were married
already." In fact this was yet another contract de futuro.^ The fol-
lowing spring and summer Grace Murray accompanied Wesley on his
4. A. Leger, Wesley's Last Love, London, 1910, pp. 1-3, 12, 59; John Wesley,
Journal, Standard ed., ed. N. Curnock, London, 1938, vol. 3, pp. 365-7. For the
various editions of Wesley's account of his relations with Grace Murray, see
Frank Baker, Union Catalogue of the Publications of John and Charles Wesley,
1966, p. 208. The original manuscripts is in the British Museum, but Dr. Leger's
version is reliable and reasonably accessible.
5. Leger, op. cit., pp. 2-4, 11-12, 60; Wesley, op. cif., Ill, 376; John Bennet,
MS diary in Methodist Archives, London, Sept. 7, 1748.
178
biennial preaching tour around Ireland, both as "servant and friend"
and as "a fellow-labourer in the Gospel." During this time she ex-
changed no correspondence with John Bennet, and his name so seldom
cropped up in their conversation that Wesley was convinced that
no obstacle remained to his renewed and deepened affection. In Dub-
lin, about the middle of July, 1749, they took a step from which in
his mind at least there was no drawing back : "The more we convers'd
together, the more I lov'd her ; &, before I return'd from Ireland,
we contracted by a Contract de praesenti." Whether or not they pri-
vately used a part of the "Form of solemnization of matrimony" in
the Book of Common Prayer — and this remains at least possible —
Wesley and Grace Murray alike repeated a formula in words of the
present tense signifying that henceforth they were man and wife,
probably the words, "I take thee to my wedded wife" (or husband")."
Hardly had Grace Murray set foot on English soil, however,
before a passing fit of jealousy caused by gossip about her newly-
espoused husband prompted her to write to Bennet. He renewed his
pursuit of her to such good effect that on September 2 she completely
ignored her Dublin contract, which in fact constituted a legal mar-
riage, and said, "I will marry John Bennet" — the "will" implying
futurity rather than insistence. This took place, strangely enough, in
Wesley's home town of Epworth, and apparently with his acquies-
cence, for Bennet had persuaded him that Grace wanted to renounce
her employer in favour of another of his lay employees. On the face
of it this seemed a more suitable match, and Bennet claimed that
Grace was much more deeply in love with him than with Wesley. It
seems certain that Wesley already knew from a study of the standard
work on marriage contracts, Henry Swinburne's Treatise of Spousah,
that a contract de praesenti could in fact be dissolved by mutual
agreement, provided that sexual intercourse had not taken place.*^
The following day, however, Grace herself told Wesley that she
loved him better than Bennet, but was afraid that Bennet might "run
mad" if she didn't marry him. In the light of this revelation Wesley
pondered the advisability of pressing his legal rights, and her legal
duty. After three days of hesitation, on September 6 he urged her
to make up her mind. She replied, "I am determin'd by Conscience,
as well as Inclincation, to live & die with you." Wesley nevertheless
gave her time for still further consideration. Then on September 21
6. Leger, op. cit., pp. 5, 62-3.
7. Swinburne, op. cit., p. 236.
179
they solemnly renewed their DubHn contract de praesenti, this time
in the presence of a witness, another of his preachers, Christopher
Hopper. Wesley rode ofT contentedly, assured that there could now
be no possible hitch ; they were legally married, in fact twice legally
married, even though as yet there had been no church ceremony and
no consummation.^
Wesley had reckoned without a strange series of misunderstand-
ings and maneuverings which culminated two weeks later, on October
3, 1749, with the solemnization of Grace Murray's marriage to John
Bennet. The consummation of John Wesley's first marriage was frus-
trated alike by John Bennet's near-blind frenzy of desire, by Grace
Murray's vacillation and her vagueness about her true legal stand-
ing, by Charles Wesley's impetuous fears for Methodism, and by
John Wesley's deliberate sacrifice of dreams of domesticity to the
claims of his apostolic ministry. Wesley knew without any shadow
of doubt (as Grace Murray possibly did not) that in the eyes of the
law they had been married ever since their first contract de praesenti
in July, particularly as two months later it had been confirmed be-
fore a witness, and thus made easily susceptible of proof. There would
have been little difificulty in overthrowing her union with John Bennet
as bigamous. Experience had already taught him, however, to what
extended heartache and frustration such matrimonial litigation might
lead. This knowledge reinforced the urges of Christian charity and
the desire to protect the good name of Methodism, and so for the
third time he was content to let her go.®
It was through one of the least known members of the "Holy
Club" that Wesley had been introduced to a similar tragic matri-
monial entanglement in 1731. One of his Oxford notebooks was later
used to record the names of the band members of the Foundery
Society, including that of Grace Murray. By coincidence the chosen
volume also summarized the important events of the year 1731, in-
cluding the following cryptic note : "July 29. Mr. B. married Mr.
G.'s wife."^** "Mr. B." was John Boyce, son of Sir John Boyce, three
times Mayor of Oxford. He had matriculated at Christ Church, Ox-
ford, in July, 1727, aged 16, and became one of Charles Wesley's
pupils, graduating in 1731. While still an undergraduate he had
fallen in love with Margaret Hudson, a girl of his own age, the only
8. Leger, op. cit., pp. 7-8, 12, 62-3, 77; cf. Bennet's diary, Sept. 2, 1749.
9. Leger, op. cit., pp. 63-98, especially pp. 78, 87, 89.
10. Wesley Stiidies, London, 1903, pp. 53-4; the notebook is in the Methodist
Archives, London.
180
daughter and heiress of Dr. John Hudson, late Librarian of the Bod-
leian. Her twice-married, twice-widowed mother, Mrs. Hall, strongly-
disapproved of their courtship, and the couple had not seen each other
for sixteen months when Mrs. Hall and Sir John Boyce suddenly
brought them together. Less than a week later, on July 29, 1731,
they were married in the parish church at Cowley by Fifield Allen
of Christ Church.^^
Mrs. Hall and her daughter lived at Eynsham, and the "Mr. G."
of Wesley's note was their vicar, the Rev. John Goole. At the time
of the wedding he was away in Oxford. On his return he at first
refused to believe the shattering news, for he was himself espoused
to the girl by a contract de praesenti. When the forty-year-old widower
had first "addressed himself" to Margaret Hudson, aged eighteen,
at Eastertime, 1730, she first blew hot, then cold. A year later, how-
ever, she welcomed his advances, and although they agreed to defer
a public ceremony until she was twenty-one, on June 10, 1731 they
entered into a "most binding and sacred engagement," in which they
used the office of Matrimony in the Book of Common Prayer. At the
time, however, neither of them realized that this contract made in
words of the present tense did in fact constitute a valid marriage,
although the word "spouse" was used between them.^^
Once convinced that his betrothed had indeed married Boyce,
Goole complained in writing to her mother, and on September 15
served a writ on Boyce and his bride, sueing them for damages of
L3000. This may well have hastened the ailing Mrs. Hall's death
shortly afterwards. In November, 1731, the Court of Common Pleas
awarded him L200 damages, the cost of the expensive trousseau
which he had bought. ^^
Meantime Goole's attention had been directed to Henry Swin-
burne's Treatise of Spousals, and he realized that his case was far
stronger than he had originally thought. Even a hasty glance at the
preface would convince him of this :
11. John Foster, Ahanni Oxonienses, "John Boyce"; Oxford Historical
Society, vol. 41, pp. 347ff. ; Rawlinson MSS, Bodleian 15072, vol. 5, pp 30ff. ;
MS letter of Charles Wesley, June 11, 1731, in Methodist Archives, London;
Dictionary of National Biography, "John Hudson (1662-1719)"; John Goole,
The Contract Violated, London, [1734], pp. 3-5, 41, 46, 60-79, 88-9.
12. Goole, op. cit., pp. 2-20, 28, App. 5-10, 14-31 ; Foster, op. cit., "Goole,
John."
13. Goole, op. cit., pp. viii-ix, 21-4, 32-8; "Goole and Boyce," eight documents
forming a file of forty pages in the Court of Arches Archives, Lambeth Palace
Library, London, especially November 3, 1732, items 5-8.
f
181
There is no difference in substance betwixt spousals de praesenti (which
make up a principal part of this book) and matrimony; only the pub-
lick office, and the greater solemnity of the act, together with a benedic-
tion of the minister, are by law requisite to compleat the matrimony,
before it be capable of those legal effects of dower and legitimation
of issue. But in foro conscientiae [before the tribunal of conscience]
they are as much man and wife, as if all legal requisites and solemnities
had been performed. Nay, as to some legal effects also, a contract
de praesenti has the same force that a lawful marriage has ; for the
contract is indissoluble so long as the parties live; and if either party
shall after such contract attempt to marry elsewhere, that marriage is
null and void ratione praecontractus \_by reason of a precontract'].^'^
This made him seriously doubt whether it was legally possible for
him to agree to the negotiated settlement being urged by Sir John
Boyce, and he told Boyce's emissary that "he believed he should
be obliged to part Mr. Boyce and Miss Hudson."^^
Goole sought legal advice from Dr. Henry Brooke, a barrister
better known to later generations as the friend of John Wesley and
the author of The Fool of Quality, a novel so successfully abridged
by Wesley that it became a best-seller. Boyce also consulted Brooke.
He told them both that in his opinion Goole was unable to release
Margaret Hudson from her contract in order to legalize her subse-
quent marriage to Boyce, but that the case was "nice," so that it was
desirable to secure other opinions. For these Boyce offered to pay,
whereupon Dr. Brooke drew up the following "State and Queries"
for submission to Doctors Commons, the London headquarters of the
Doctors of Civil Law :
A. B. Single woman, aged nineteen and upwards, without consent
of friends, enters into an absolute contract de praesenti of marriage
with C. D. After such contract A.B. de facto [actually] marries E.F.
1. Qluery]. Is it in the power of C. D. to give A. B. such a release
from the contract aforesaid, as will make her marriage with E. F.
legal and valid ?
2. Qluery]. If such a release may by law be given to C. D., would
it not be proper for A. B. and E. F. to solemnize matrimony over
again ?^^
John Wesley was enlisted as Brooke's envoy. He duly visited
London, secured the opinions, and on January 17, 1731/2, made
certified transcripts. That from Dr. William Strahan confirmed
Brooke's judgment:
14. Swinburne, op. cit., pp. [iv-v].
15. Goole, op. cit., pp. 37-9, App. 58, 61.
16. Goole, op. cit., pp. 39-40, 43, 48-50, App. 2-4.
182
A contract de praesenti is a real marriage, and only wants the outward
form and ceremony : and it is not in the power of the contracting
parties to release one another from such contract. I don't think the
woman's being a minor . . . will much vary the case. For she was
of sufficient age to contract matrimony; and altho' she ought not to
have entered into such contract without the consent of her parents or
guardians, yet the want of such consent does not destroy the contract,
no more than it would destroy a marriage solemnized in the face of
the church.
Dr. George Paul's opinion was to the same effect :
By the canon law, as it is received in England, and become part of
the laws of the realm, a contract in words of the present time, seriously
and solemnly made, is, in truth and substance, matrimony indissoluble.
It has been the general opinion of learned divines and lawyers, that,
tho, there should be no evidence, according to the rules of the law, of
such spousals, the parties having really, tho' secretly, contracted them-
selves, yet they are thereby become so far man and wife before God,
that neither can, with a safe and good conscience, marry elsewhere,
so long as the other party liveth.
A woman may contract herself absolutely when she is pubes, which
is deemed at law a ripeness of age fit for marriage, in women at 12, in
men at the age of 14 years.
Upon the whole case therefore, I am of opinion, that A. B. aged
19, by entering into an absolute contract of the present time with C. D.,
may be compelled, by ecclesiastical censures, to solemnize a marriage
with him in the face of the church ; and that the marriage with E. F.
will (upon proper proofs of the above-stated contract) be adjudged
null and void in law.^''^
The opinions were placed before both Boyce and Goole at a
meeting in Dr. Brooke's chambers, with Wesley also present. Boyce
clearly recognized the weakness of his position, and seemed deter-
mined not to cohabit with Margaret Hudson until it had been legally
settled whose wife she was, though he was later dissuaded from that
honest course, especially as she was already pregnant. Boyce also
agreed to let Goole have copies of the legal opinions in return for
copies of Margaret Hudson's letters to Goole, the attested copies in
each case to be prepared by their mutually acceptable go-between,
John Wesley. Accordingly Wesley's diary for January 17, 1731/2
records: "Monday 17th. 12>^ at Mr. Goole's, in talk. 1 dinner. [2?]
read M. Hudson's letters ; in talk. 4>4 set out."^^
17. Goole, op. cit., App. 2-4.
18. Goole, op. cit., pp. 42-3, 76-8, App. 2-4 ; Wesley's AIS diary, Methodist
Archives, London, transcribed by the Rev. Wesley F. Swift.
183
John Goole sought a final decision at the highest level, the Court
of Arches, constantly insisting that this was his moral duty, in order
to warn the Boyces and those similarly placed of the mortal as well
as immortal danger of living in sin.^^ By this time Margaret Hudson
was well on in pregnancy, and bore a child as the case against her
was in its opening stages ; he was baptized John on May 14, 1732.-^
( Incidentally, it is remarkable how many Johns appear in this story :
Goole, Boyce, and their intermediary Wesley were all named John;
so was Margaret Hudson's father ; so was Boyce's father, and now
his son ; so also was the man who later stole John Wesley's own wife
from under his nose.)
The case dragged on. By the time it came to trial in June, 1733,
Margaret Hudson was nearing the birth of her second child. These
two children seem to have furnished strong though irrelevant argu-
ments in her favour, supporting the pressure and possible bribery
that Goole suspected. Certainly trickery was used against him ; apart
from the lavish and unimpeded blackening of his own character, her
advocates managed to find a weak link in the ecclesiastical law. Her
minority was no more a defense than the lack of witnesses, but Swin-
burne's Spousals made it clear that "when these words of the present
time are uttered in jeast or sport . . . such wanton words are not
at all obligatory in so serious a matter as is matrimony." According-
ly she pleaded that her contract was undertaken as a joke — even
though it involved the solemn use of the prayer book and the accep-
tance of expensive presents. The Dean of the Arches, Dr. John
Bettesworth, was clearly much in sympathy with the young woman.
Even Dr. Paul forsook his earlier written opinion and signed the
final judgment that the "pretended marriage contract . . . was and is
null and void and altogether invalid in law." Goole even had to pay
the legal costs on pain of excommunication.^^
Immediately this sentence was passed John Goole declared that
he would publish his vindication. In six or seven weeks it was
ready, and on July 26 he sent it to Wesley, asking him to read it,
and to communicate the contents to Boyce. On August 1 or 2, Wes-
ley replied :
19. Goole, op. cit., pp. v. 42-5 ; cf pp. 67, 76.
20. Court of Arches, "Goole and Boyce," especially Goole's deposition, No-
vember 3, 1732, item 4.
21. "Goole and Boyce," Court of Arches; cf. Goole, op. cit., pp. 44, 62-75, 87-9,
App. 32-6.
184
Sir,
I sent Mr. Boyce word yesterday, that I was apt to think you were
so far from the desire of revenge, which he had been informed you
every where shewed, that if he could propose any other way of satis-
fying that desire of clearing your reputation which a Christian ought
to have, you would yet desist from your design of publishing your
case.
Goole did indeed ask Margaret Hudson (now legally Boyce) to sign
a testimonial to his "justice, fidelity, and honour," but heard nothing
until October, when the desired satisfaction seemed no nearer. In
December 1733, therefore, he set about publishing The Contract
Violated, which in his dedication "to all lovers of truth, sincerity,
and honour" he described as an "unparallel'd case."^^
The Gentleman's Magazine entered a simple announcement of
Goole's 170-page pamphlet in the issue for May, 1734. His avowed
end of seeking to expose the dangers of secret marriages, however,
as well as the sluggishness of the ecclesiastical courts, was more fully
served by the Grub Street Journal, which serialized the case. Issue
No. 248 for Thursday, September 26, 1734, described it as "of such
an extraordinary nature that it deserves to be more generally known.
It may hinder persons from rashly entering into private solemn con-
tracts ; in the performance of which they will probably meet with
great difficulties and inconveniences. And it may divert those who have
been perfidiously deceived, from vainly exposing themselves to very
great trouble and charge by seeking a redress at law."^^ John Wes-
ley learned the second lesson, if not the first.
Until the 1754 marriage reform, however, others continued to
fall into the same trap, and the unfortunate results occasionally ap-
peared even in the Gentleman's Magazine, which Wesley frequently
read. He would surely shake his head in sympathy in 1740 when he
read of a young man whose secretly contracted wife was similarly
married in church to another man. High ecclesiastical authorities
again supported the first husband, but he refused to press his claim,
saying, "I knew I could have done myself justice afterwards, but that
being impossible without exposing her to the whole nation, I chose
rather to suffer myself than that she should."-*
In a similar position to this young man John Wesley found him-
22. Goole, op. cit., pp [iii], v-xii ; the prohibition of its publication and sale
in Oxford caused difficulty and delay ; see pp. xv-xvi.
23. Copy in Rawlinson, MSS, vol. 5, p. 42, Bodleian Library, Oxford.
24. Gentleman's Magazine, 1740, pp. 172-5; cf. 1748, p. 329, and 1751, pp.
328, 570.
185
self a few years later. Repeatedly Grace Murray urged that their
Dublin contract should be sealed by public matrimony, but Wesley
insisted that three prior steps were necessary : he must get the matter
straight with her other suitor, John Bennet; in accordance with a
longstanding agreement he must secure the consent of his brother
Charles ; and he must seek the understanding prayers of the Methodist
preachers and people. Grace agreed to wait for a year. And so at her
request they renewed the contract de praesenti at Hindley Hill,
Northumberland, with trusty Christopher Hopper as witness. That
on this occasion they used a part of the prayer book order receives
some confirmation from one of her letters four days later: "If Mr.
Bennet comes ... I must not see him. It will tear my soul to pieces ;
seeing I can by no means help him now. For whom God hath join'd
together, no man can put asunder." An hour after the simple but
solemn ceremony Wesley took horse for Whitehaven "with not one
uneasy thought, believing God would give us to meet again, at the
time when he saw good." This was on Thursday, September 21,
174925
A tiny cloud of foreboding on the horizon, however, loomed
nearer, heavy with tragedy. The following night Wesley was dis-
turbed by a dream in which John Bennet hinted that Grace Murray
was living with him. On the Saturday, without any conscious realiza-
tion of what he was doing, Wesley began his first letter to his doubly-
contracted spouse with the lines :
There is I know not what of sad presage
That tells me we shall never meet again.-^
On Sunday words in the first lesson pierced his heart like a sword :
"Son of man, behold I take from thee the desire of thine eyes with
a stroke!" Immediately, he says, "a shivering ran thro' me, & in a
few minutes I was in a fever."
Wesley had written other letters designed to hasten the date of
his public union with Grace Murray. That to John Bennet, how-
ever, went astray, and the one to Wesley's brother sent Charles
into a panic of activity to prevent a step which he was convinced
would ruin their work. On the Monday Charles burst upon John in
Whitehaven, denouncing this unsuitable match with a woman already
betrothed to another. For some reason, probably because Charles
25. Leger, op. cit., pp. 14, 62-3, 89.
26. Cf. Shakespeare, Richard II, ii. 2. 142-3, "Farewell : if heart's presages
be not vain,/We three here part that ne'er shall meet again."
186
was too heated to think clearly, John was unable to convince him
that his own marriage contract with Grace Murray was both prior
to Bennet's and more binding. In any case Charles did not possess
John's intimate knowledge and vicarious experience in this matter.
Eventually they agreed to sleep on it, and then to submit the issue
to their venerable friend, the Rev. Vincent Perronet of Shoreham.
The following day, however, Charles unexpectedly left ahead
of John, and when John arrived at Hindley Hill it was to hear that
Grace Murray had ridden ofif behind Charles two hours earlier. The
foreboding grew stronger. He exclaimed with Job, "The Lord gave,
and the Lord hath taken away! Blessed be the name of the Lord!"
Abandoning his first intention of pursuing them, yet realizing that
this was "giving up all," he returned for his week-end activities in
Whitehaven. On Sunday, October 1, he confessed, "I was in great
heaviness ; my heart was sinking in me like a stone." Only in the
services did he find any relief. That night he prayed for a sign of
God's will, and in a dream saw Grace Murray executed. The follow-
ing evening he received a message from his old pupil and friend
George Whitefield pressing him to come to Leeds, where Charles
also would meet them. Accordingly the following day, Tuesday,
October 3, he rode to Leeds, arriving at nightfall. He did not know
it, but this was his wife's wedding day.^^
Charles Wesley was determined to save John from folly and
the work of God from disruption. Leaving his brother at Whitehaven
he had ridden posthaste to Hindley Hill, bursting in upon a Grace
Murray already perplexed and distressed by John Wesley's fore-
boding letter. He gave her a pastoral kiss, said "Grace Murray, you
have broke my heart!", and promptly fainted. On recovering he
handed her an accusing letter which he had written the previous
day, and was thus delivering in person. She apparently assumed
that it conveyed the sentiments of John as well as of Charles, and
agreed to go with him to Leeds to meet the two claimants to her
hand. Nearing Durham, they learned that Bennet was at Newcastle,
and on her request (or at least with her agreement) turned north
once more to seek him out. Charles Wesley similarly took Bennet by
storm, to such effect that on the following morning, Tuesday, Octo-
ber 3, he and Grace were married by the Rev. Richard ( ?) Brewster
in St. Andrew's Church, Newcastle.^^
27. Leger, op. cit., pp. 63-6, 79-86.
28. Bennet, MS diary, October 3, 1749, which names "Mr. Bruister" ; for
187
When John Wesley arrived for the Leeds rendezvous Whitefield
tried to break the news gently : he was certain that Charles would
not show up until he had seen Grace and Bennet married, in spite
of Whitefield's own attempts to persuade them to wait. He himself
was quite convinced that Grace was Wesley's wife, but (as he ex-
pressed it) Charles's "impetuosity prevail'd & bore down all before
it." Sure enough, Charles did not arrive for their meeting on Wednes-
day. On Thursday morning an advance messenger brought the
news — "they were married on Tuesday." An hour later came Charles
himself, still hot with indignation against his brother. He called
John a villain and renounced all ties of Christian friendship, while
Whitefield and John Nelson tried tearfully to reconcile them. At
length Charles was brought to his senses, seemed "utterly amaz'd"
to discover the true contractual relationship between his brother
and Grace, and began to lay all the blame on her.^^
Little by little, patiently and painfully, John Wesley was able
to unravel the tangled threads and to see how a series of misunder-
standings in the minds of all the chief participants had led to this
bewildering and saddening mix-up. Describing his interview the
following day with Bennet and Grace, when for a long time they
"sat weeping at each other," John Wesley summed it all up: "Be-
tween them both, I knew not what to say or do. I can forgive. But
who can redress the wrong ?"^"
Certainly John Wesley himself was not prepared to redress the
wrong. Better than most people he knew that the law was fully on his
side. He would have had far less difficulty than John Goole in prov-
ing his contract de praesenti with Grace Murray, and thus annulling
her bigamous union with Bennet. Granted, there remained a little
uncertainty as to how an ecclesiastical court would react, even in
the clearest of cases. In his favour, however, were not only the
strongest legal arguments, but his own prestige, over against that of
his lowly preacher. Surely he must have won his case ! Yet there
seems no evidence that he ever seriously pondered bringing the matter
before the courts. Swinburne's Spousals allowed for the dissolution
even of a contract de praesenti by the mutual agreement of the parties
before consummation. This course would bring least suffering to the
two friends who had thus injured him, least damage to the work
the probable identification with Richard Brewster see Venn's Alumni Canta-
brigien^es; no suitable candidate offers in Foster's Alumni Oxonienses.
29. Leger, op. cit., pp. 87-88.
30. Leger, op. cit., pp. 89-98.
188
of God. This course he followed. He bowed his head to the bitter blow
and poured out his heartbreak in tearstained verse.^^
It would be pleasant to end our story with a paragraph describing
how all concerned lived happily ever after, but this would fall short of
the whole truth. A hasty summary of their fortunes, however, seems
in order. John Goole later repented the publication of The Contract
Violated, terming it "an inaccurate apology, wrote perhaps under
too quick a sense of irreparable wrongs" ; he himself faded into
obscurity, and his death is not recorded in the Gentleman's Maga-
zine.^- John Boyce left the area to become rector of Saintbury, Glou-
cestershire, where he died in 1776, seventeen years after his wife
Margaret, Their first child survived to young manhood; two other
boys, including their second child, William, entered the Anglican
ministry and served their father's parish for a time; three others
of their eight children died in 1748, probably during some epidemic.^*
John Bennet remained on friendly terms with Charles Wesley, but
his relationships with John were always strained; he left the Meth-
odists to become an independent minister, and died in 1759. Grace
survived him until 1803, writing in her diary on the 48th anniversary
of their marriage, "What seas of grief God has brought me through
none but he and myself know." Their first child, born August 22,
1750, was also christened John ; another son lived to write a biography
of his mother.^*
As for the bereft John Wesley, yet another convalescence gave
him leisure to study yet another widow who used a gentle hand in
nursing him, and to whom he proposed marriage. Once more he
was married under a cloud of secrecy, which has not yet been fully
pierced, with results that were notoriously less congenial and less
fruitful either for him or for Methodism than his marriage with
Grace Murray might well have been. That, however, is another story.
31.Leger, op. cit., pp. 98-105.
32. Rawlinson MSS, vol. 5, p. 31, Bodleian Library, Oxford.
33. D. MSS, "Boyce," Society of Genealogists, London.
34. William Bennet, Memoirs of Mrs. Grace Bennet, Macclesfield, 1803,
pp. 22-4, 71 ; cf. John Bennet's MS diary, Methodist Archives, London.
What We Expect from Young
Ministers
Paul Hardin, III
Professor of Law, Duke University
The topic which Thor Hall suggested for our discussion this
morning was most appealing, at least at first glance. What Methodist
layman, particularly the son of a Methodist minister, would not
relish the opportunity to turn the tables and tell a whole roomful
of preachers what he expects of them? Thor did have the foresight
to limit me to twelve minutes. But the exact topic, "What We Expect
from Young Ministers," has a troublesome pronoun. It is always
hard to know when we are speaking for others and when we are
speaking only for ourselves. I can't claim to be a typical layman — I
don't know what that is. My father is a minister, my uncle is a
minister, my cousin Wannie is studying here with you, and I almost
became a minister myself — any number of times. Many of the members
of your fine faculty are closer friends of mine than some of my own
colleagues on the law faculty. So perhaps I am closer to the clergy
than most laymen ; still, I believe that I speak for an appreciable num-
ber of laymen in my general age group and urban situation. At the very
minimum I speak for myself, and I count it a great privilege to have
been asked to tell you briefly of my hopes for you once you have
completed your course of study here.
First I hope that most of you will go into the parish ministry.
I don't mean to disparage a teaching career; I left law practice to
teach law. I don't disparage foreign missions ; I have visited foreign
mission fields and been profoundly impressed by the selfless labors
I saw there. I know the worth of the hospital chaplaincy, the campus
ministry, and urban missions. I simply appear today as a representative
of the pew — of the congregation — and hold up the parish ministry
as a vitally important calling. Just in order to get it behind us, I'll
mention first the practical argument: that all of the other phases of
the Christian ministry are underwritten financially by the parish
church. I prefer to appeal to you by arguing that the parish ministry
Remarks delivered in York Chapel, April 19, 1966.
190
is a most challenging and most difficult and, therefore, potentially
a most rewarding form of ministry. If it appears to you to be softer
or easier than other forms, you, my friend, don't understand the
problem. Have you ever thought how much easier it is to approach
the African native who pathetically hungers for shelter, education,
and medical care than it is to approach the middle-class nominal
Christian who thinks he has no needs except pulpit platitudes and
an occasional pastoral visit ? And, speaking of challenge : compare
ministering to the wretched inhabitant of the urban slum who either
never has been churched or has long since left the church because he
found it inadequate, with ministering to that middle-class character in
the pew who finds the church quite adequate for his needs because he
does not understand the Christian Gospel and does not even perceive
his needs. And, if anyone deserves your help and ministry, is it not
the church member who fully appreciates the inadequacy of the
church but who stays with it out of hope, habit, and helpless affection ?
Finally — and the argument comes back full circle in a way — con-
sider the comparative efficiency of your going alone into the foreign
mission field or urban slum and your mobilizing an entire congrega-
tion of Christians to show genuine Christian social concern.
So, you are needed in our churches to wake up the great mass
of church members who are afflicted with Sunday morning religion,
and you are also needed to minister to the comparatively few but
steadily growing number of church people who are ready for church
renewal. Never has dynamic pastoral leadership been more desperate-
ly needed!
Now, what do we want from you when you come to our churches
as pastors?
First we hope for a relevant and tough-minded pulpit, and I put
that first without hesitation. I am not speaking primarily of dynamic
delivery or winsome pulpit personality, although they are important —
I speak mainly of sermon content. Different ages perhaps call for
different pulpit emphases. This age is not one for "Norman Vincent's
happiness peales" ; nor is it one for Upper Room bromides — not
from the pulpit — although these fine little meditations written by
highly regarded men and women of the church have an appropriate
role to play on the contemporary scene. What does this age demand
from our pulpits ?
First, preach the Christian Gospel. We are starved for doctrine;
we want to hear theology spoken from the pulpits. We are fairly
191
well educated these days. We have even dipped into Bonhoeffer or
read a bit of Tillich, At least we have followed the "God is Dead"
movement as best we can in Time and The New Yorker. You must be
sure when you come to us that you have read more deeply and under-
stood more fully. Interpret the Gospel to us. Show us what Jesus
of Nazareth has to do with modern theology. Show us what Chris-
tianity offers which sets it apart from secular humanitarianism. Don't
preach fundamentalism to us — not even New Testament fundamental-
ism. Preach a modern, relevant Christian theology.
Second, preach a social gospel. Get us to stop thinking so much
about the after-life, which is a mystery, and persuade us that our call-
ing is to minister in this life, which is a present and perplexing and
provocative reality. Do not steer clear of the controversial, no
matter what you may have heard about the district superintendent. Do
rock the boat! There is no church too far south to accommodate
brotherhood sermons. And if you preach in the north, preach against
complacency and against intolerance toward the southern brethren.
The wealthier your congregation, the more important it is to empha-
size the obligations of wealth. The poorer your congregation, the
more important it is to preach self-improvement and individual initia-
tive. If most of your hearers agree with all you say, you are missing
the mark.
Third, preach personal morality. I take issue with the excesses
of the so-called new morality. I gather that the fashionable approach
to Christian ethics is pretty specific and pretty absolute in terms of
social sins. We must work for racial equality, world peace, and the
alleviation of poverty. Amen! But the new approach to personal
morality is a good deal more general. It is not popular to discuss
personal virtues and vices ; the modern Christian moralist is reluctant
to identify anything as a personal vice or sin. Instead, he invites
us to face life's problems — "existential situations" — by pondering
the commandment of love and to do whatever seems likely to enrich
our interpersonal relationships and further the "I-Thou" relation-
ship. That formula isn't adequate for, say, a young person facing
adult temptations. It isn't even adequate for us adults. Christ did
say that the first commandment was to love God and the second to
love thy neighbor ; but that isn't all he taught us about Qiristian life
and living. I recall other rather specific ethical injunctions : "Let him
who is without sin cast the first stone." "What therefore God hath
joined together, let not man put asunder." And so on. And what of the
192
teachings of Paul and the rules of Wesley? If you say to me, we are
not bound by these ancient precepts, I agree. I am skeptical of time-
less truths and immutable principles. We lawyers feel that courts
are not rigidly bound by precedent. But we also feel that the decisions
of predecessors, taken after sober reflection, are useful guides in
similar situations. I always find it refreshing to hear a minister or
layman subscribe unblushingly to the good old Methodist principles
of marital fidelity and abstention from the use of alcoholic beverages.
I find these principles supportable in reason as well as authority.
Don't preach at us to follow rules just because they have been laid
down, but you might try to show us the rationality and meaning of
the unique Christian life — different from other lives in that it is lived
in response to God's grace in Christ.
A word of warning. Whether you are preaching social or personal
morality, don't expend all of your ammunition on the first Sunday
in a new pastorate. Warm up to your folks a bit first. Hold back your
big guns until you have married a few, baptized a few, and buried a
few. Love them for a short time, then rear back and let 'em have it.
If you love your people genuinely, if you practice as well as preach
Christian love and tolerance, they will take whatever you dish out.
Avoid two errors — one is to start too fast without establishing rap-
port ; the other is never to get started at all. The errors are equally
egregious, the end result the same: an inefifective pulpit.
I wish there were time to get beyond the pulpit into what else
we expect of our young ministers. Let me just say that preaching,
while important, is not enough. In a sense it just gets our attention
so that we can work together in the vineyard. As we work together,
we need spiritual leadership from the pastor. In all the affairs of
the local church and the connectional church, laymen will be found
who will take the lead in material matters, such as a new roof on
the parsonage, new carpet in the sanctuary, or new furniture for
the nursery. You ministers must prod us on missions and other
benevolences. Keep us turned outward toward others, not inward on
ourselves.
To put the whole matter very shortly, what we expect of you
as young ministers is that you should come to us and tell us and
show us by your life and ministry with us what Christ expects of us.
That is a tall order. I wish you Godspeed.
The Eclipse of God and the
Vocation of Godliness
OPENING CONVOCATION ADDRESS, 1966
Robert E. Cushman
As the Divinity School community reassembles, I have a text
for the day and, perhaps, for the year. It is St. Paul's admonition
to the Ephesians: "Put on the whole armor of God, that ye may
be able to stand against the wiles of the devil .... and having done
all, to stand." But before "opening" this text, I do wish to exercise
a dean's high privilege of welcoming one and all to the society of
this school and to invite each of you to grasp the opportunities of
another year for the perfecting of our common vocation. We are
glad to have returning faculty, lately on leave, restored to us. To
new members of the faculty who join our ranks we express our
earnest wish that you may shortly come to feel at home, and we as-
sure you that we shall be looking to you for new vision and leader-
ship in the burden and heat of the days of our years that lie ahead.
To returning students, we commend what has been well accom-
plished and look to larger and riper fulfillment for you in the days
ahead. To entering students, we extend the same warm welcome we
have extended to your predecessors. You are not the first class for
which the faculty has cherished high expectations. It is always this
way ! However the faculty may stand with reference to the three
cardinal Christian virtues, they are unfailing in hope regarding their
students however much their faith and love may have been recurrent-
ly and sorely tried. Although chastened by the years — some of them
with more years than others — they join me in giving you hearty wel-
come. Together, I believe, we offer the assurance that, while the
road to intellectual and spiritual integration is uphill all the way,
these years can be unparalleled opportunity to possess one's soul,
as well as to clear one's mind and acquire relevance !
So, we welcome one and all today in this our opening convoca-
tion. It is a tradition with us to celebrate in the presence of God
the reassembly of the Divinity School community. It is a community
of seekers and scholars, of study and research, of teaching and learn-
ing and, of course, as much as possible of "dialogue" ! It is also a
194
community of self-discipline, of mutual chastening, and some dis-
illusionment. It is a community that endeavors to dismantle idols
and dissolve obstructions, not alone to a better apprehension of the
living God, but to a timely obedience of Him. Indeed, as a communi-
ty of Christian faith, it has always been committed to the paradox
that clearer apprehension of God waits upon willing obedience toward
God. Still, it is also true that this is a community where faith is ever
seeking larger understanding. Hopefully, it may be made unto us
a place of vision and an auditory of prophecy, yet it should become
not too much a sanctuary but always a point of departure, for it is
only by reponse to the Divine Summons (amidst the urgent actuali-
ties of our time) that the vision of God is kept in focus and fades
not away. It is only in doing the Truth that we can keep on knowing
it. God is always fading to vision in the measure we are disre-
garding and blunting his imperatives. Is this not the principal sick-
ness of much Christianity in our time ; i.e., that it is not "obedient to
the heavenly vision" ?
II
This leads me to say then, no, rather affirm, that this community
we reassemble today is a community committed to the everlasting
relevance of what Second Peter commends and calls "godliness."
He does not come wide of the mark either, respecting the proper
aim and purpose of theological education, when he enjoins us to
give "diligence to make our calling and election sure" (II Pet., 1 :10).
The nature of this he describes : "In your faith," he says, "supply
virtue; and in your virtue knowledge (that is the right order!) ; and
in your knowledge self-control ; and in your self-control patience ; and
in your patience godliness ; and in your godliness brotherly kindness ;
and in your brotherly kindness love." (vv. 5-7).
The calling and election of Christians then is godliness, and the
substance and sign of godliness is love. This community is commit-
ted to the nurture and advancement of such a vocation. But godli-
ness and the world, at least as the world represents itself, do not seem
to have much in common. From the standpoint of the world, godli-
ness seems to have decreasing pertinence. In a world which allegedly
"has come of age," godliness seems more and more like a Quixotic
archaism or a quaint survival of mainly antiquarian interest. There
are some indications that godliness appears to be a decliningly ex-
citing vocation to the young. Some who once espoused it do not know
195
what to do with it. And potential aspirants, seeking their way and
positive usefulness of life in today's world, are hesitant to invest
their future in what appears to be a vocation of diminishing influence,
prestige, or reward.
How can the advancement of godliness greatly attract by com-
parison with other vocational lures whose incentives are often im-
mediate and spectacular and have assurance of a far "better press"
even in so-called religious publications? And what is advancement
of godliness in an age that plainly measures achievement by precision
"linkups" of a Gemini II with an orbiting satellite only half a second
off calculated rendezvous in space and time? What is godliness in
comparison with return "on target" from a million miles of ellipses
in outer space?
From Bacon to Marx, and from Marx to the present, it seems
to be the mastery of space, man's place in the cosmos, which headlines
the overwhelming aspiration of our time. Technology and social
control are the instruments ; government and industry are the agents,
and medical science (with the aid of both) may be credited with
an "assist" in improving and extending man's time-occupancy of
space. What need have we for more in a world "come of age"?
Moreover, as has been said, "music hath charms to sooth the savage
breast" and even professors of church history may possess themselves
of precision instruments unsurpassed for surveying the medium that
tranquilizes the passions and may yet probe even "the music of
the spheres"! And all of us have transportation! The poorest stu-
dent may have to "bum a ride". But man's place is manageable ! The
future seems open to our freedom. What need we more!
Ill
On the very same day and the very same front page that carried
exultant news of the precision rendezvous in outer space, I read the
following account, not of what men are planning, but of what some
men are doing :
Grenada, Miss. (AP) September 12, 1966 — "A throng of angry
whites wielding ax handles, pipes and chains surrounded two public
schools that were integrated Monday and attacked Negroes who
attempted to leave when classes were over. A Negro youth, 12, ran
a gauntlet of cursing whites for a full block, his face bleeding, his
clothes torn. He finally escaped limping. Another boy was not so
fortunate. As he tried to leave the school grounds, he was thrown
196
to the sidewalk, kicked and beaten. 'That'll teach you, nigger,' yelled
one white man. 'Don't come back tomorrow.' The boy answered, 'I
didn't want to come here anyway. My mother sent me.' 'You tell
her if you come back tomorrow, she'll be a dead nigger,' the man
responded. A city policeman who witnessed the violence made no
move to help the boy." The article continues : "Men did all the beat-
ing, but many women were present cursing and yelling." And we
are further informed : "About two hours after the white children
left, the Negro children were taken out in groups of 25 led by the
Sheriff. Two highway patrol cars escorted the students down back
streets in columns of twos to the Bell Flower Church, about one mile
away. The church is the headquarters for civil rights groups who be-
came active this summer in Grenada when Dr. Martin Luther King
held a voter registration drive here."
This happened last week in a society premised upon better things
like : liberty of conscience and the declaration "We hold these truths
to be self-evident, that all men are endowed by their creator with
the inalienable right to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness."
These may be divine endowments, but the history of man's way with
man has been more nearly one of frustrating this inalienable heritage.
As for liberty of conscience, the current temper is more nearly liberty
■without conscience.
Ours is a fearful and dismaying society. On Christian premises
it does not show much promise of being a great one. It has largely
forsaken its originative principles in the interest of the power of self-
maintenance. Its true greatness is probably behind it. In one day it can
bring off a stunning technological feat in outer space — a rendezvous
one-half second off calculated time at 20,000 miles per hour. Simul-
taneously, in a town below — a town we may suppose long familiar
but evidently heedless both of Law and Gospel — grown men attack
children with clubs and chains because the children are black. Wom-
en curse and yell, and, with murderous threats, some shout "nigger."
And there is only one frail center and sanctuary, the Bell Flower
Church ! It is not the First Methodist Church, or the Second Baptist
Church, or the Third Presbyterian Church, or St. Mary's of the
Sacred Heart. It is just the Bell Flower Church — anonymous with
men but not with God ; and it stands a wistful and beleaguered
sentinel to a godliness that evidently is uncomprehended in Grenada
or is deemed passe and irrelevant.
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IV
There are several ways to "will" the death of God. A minor one,
and least blasphemous, is to proclaim with the fervor of a new messiah
the sacred "gospel of Christian atheism"; to affirm absolute con-
tradiction under the high sounding rubric of coincidentia oppositorum
whereby the total negation of "the Christian God" is said to prepare
an "epiphany" of some greater but unnamed splendor. The idea
here is to negate the sacred and will the profane so that the sacred
may appear. More serious far and more deceptive are the common
and age-old idolatries, whereby men worship and serve, as St. Paul
■declared, the creatures rather than the Creator ; and there is good
reason to surmise that the brash gospels of "Christian atheism" are
but ingenious rationalizations of the prevailing idolatries of our epoch.
But the greatest blasphemy of all, in which we all participate in
our several ways, times and measures, is to live and behave overtly
as if God were in fact dead. So far as I can see, the men and women
of Grenada, of whom we have report, do in fact will the death of
God in their deeds. If we are to heed the gospel of Christian atheism,
then Grenada really shows us how. And, lest we miss the "beam
in our own eye," we may ponder the likelihood that the frenzied
outburst of Grenada is but a public manfestation of the festering
guilt of a whole unrepented people. For is not the barbarism of
Grenada the ugly exhibition of an endemic depravity that, despite
its claims to conventional piety, unveils a secret preference to be
done with God? And, further, it is just possible that the final course
open to the intransigently impenitent is precisely the denial of God,
for to will the death of God seems to promise freedom from the in-
tolerable burden of guilt. As Nietzsches Zarathustra said, "If God
is dead, all things are permitted." Then guilt would be robbed of
its meaning and thus shorn of its disruptive power. "Situation ethics,"
too, would have carte blanche. It would no more be embarrassed by the
Divine antecedence and such priorities as set limits to the allowable.
Thus, we may suppose, ungodliness relishes the "new freedom"
of the death of God, indeed proclaims it to the purpose, and glories
in a "coincidence of opposites" whereby men may call good evil, and
evil good. For Isaiah this is the ultimate perversity and, for Plato,
it is "the lie in the soul." Yet, in various forms, it is offered to us
as the way, the truth and the life. In the theology of "coincidence of
opposites" we are assured that "the very profane Existens which
our destiny has unveiled may yet prove to be a path to a universal
198
form of faith" (T. J. J. Altizer in Radical Theology and the Death of
God, p. 20). Let us will ungodliness, then, that godliness may be
revealed. Let us sin that grace may abound! In the history of philo-
sophic literature, save one, there is hardly an instance of such frenzy !
V
But setting aside this extremity of hybris, this community de-
voted to the nurture of godliness is in fact confronted with a pervasive
spirit of ungodliness. Here, a vocation is cultivated for which there
is but modest comprehension and but passing and vagrant interest
in the world without. With soberness, we may listen to Martin Buber
when he writes : "Eclipse of the light of heaven, eclipse of God — such
indeed is the character of the historic hour through which the world
is passing." (The Eclipse of God. Harper Torchbook, p. 23). And
E. W. Shideler in his brilliant analysis, "Taking the Death of God
Seriously" may well be right in saying that "Insofar as this theology
describes an audience to which the Gospel must be declared, we can
take it with complete seriousness." (Theology Today, July 1966,
p. 187). He is utterly perceptive in the telling criticism that this
so-called radical theology "is more than a diagnosis." It has the
astonishing character of a "prescription which offers the disease as
the cure." (Ibid.)
But what shall we say to these things? One way to get to the
heart of the issue between the Christian believer and the current
"Gospel of the profane" is, first, to recognize that an unequal marriage
between Christianity and culture (which has been the bane of re-
ligion in the South) has always meant a capitulation to the profane
on the part of Christians despite pious protests to the contrary. It
has actually been a betrayal of Christianity, for it has resolved the
perpetual and inevitable tension between Christianity and culture by
accommodation of the former to the latter. That is why Grenada
and Selma are possible.
The second point is this : Christians have always to face the
dilemma which confronts the believer ever since their Lord prayed
for his disciples that they be in the world as the vehicles of God's
love for the world but always so as to be preserved from the evil
that is in the world. Thus, Jesus prays for divine support for a
radically dialectical life of unending tension and constant stress.
Authentic Christian life is being in the world and for the world but
not of the world. Our Lord knew that this was an impossible voca-
199
tion without the divine Comforter. For it is a life in continual tempta-
tion. Specifically, it is under temptation to resolve the vexing dialecti-
cal tension either by sundry accommodations to the world or, con-
versely, by radical denial and flight from the world. Since Kierke-
gaard's attack on Christendom, it has been widely recognized that
much "official Christianity" tends to resolve the dialectic tension by
easy accommodation to the world. This made slavery possible, and
makes integration tedious. In this role, Christianity is already half
profane.
Relaxation of the tension may be accomplished, on the contrary,
by flight, or withdrawal. Flight is represented by some varieties of
cloistered quietism or ecstatic gospelism. Withdrawal may be rep-
resented by some forms of monasticism, high-church sacerdotalism,
clericalism, or by preoccupation and almost obsession with the struc-
tures of churchy associations and program. This last may be called
institutionalism. It is a characteristic malaise of modern Protestant-
ism.
It was to this latter group of aberrations — resolving the authentic
tension and dialectic of the Christian life — that Dietrich Bonhoefifei
has been heard to speak by so many disturbed and thoughtful youth
of our time when he allowed "that the church has fought for self-
preservation as though it were an end in itself." (Letters and Papers
from Prison. Macmillan, p. 187.)
Bonhoeffer's "religionless" Christianity, which has captured the
imagination of honest Christian discontent, is really a protest against
the illicit, unauthorized, and escapist relaxation of the radical, un-
ending dialectic of authentic Christian existence, namely, existence
for God in the world, for the world, but never of the world. This
Bonhoeffer was groping to affirm in declaring, "It is not some re-
ligious act" (I would add quietistic, ecstatic, sacerdotal or house-
keeping) "which makes a Christian what he is, but participation in
the suffering of God in the life of the world." (Ibid., p. 223).
Again, on the other hand, there is the release of authentic tension
in the Christian life by acculturation, the accommodation of Christ to
culture. Thus, the pervasive secularism of our day is in part attribut-
able to the pseudo-godliness of a host of Christians who want Chris-
tianity without tension, that is, consolation without service and
privilege without responsibility. Nothing has become plainer than
that this cannot muster as Christianity at all. It is very close to
capitulation to the world. At the best, it is heretical Christianity.
200
It is close, perilously close, to affirmation of our profane Existens.
Why, then, should churchmen be so shocked when reckless theological
opportunism proposes to be honest and go the whole way? True, it
prescribes the disease as the cure, but after all, there is truth in the
claim that God has died in our history insofar as Christians have eased
the dialectical tension of authentic godliness in accommodating the rig-
ors of the Christian life to the prevailing culture. If "the eclipse of God"
is, as Buber says, "the character of the historic hour through which
the world is passing," then to the door of pious but irresponsible and
impenitent Christians partial blame is rightly laid. It is laid at the
doorstep of Grenada, and Grenada is potentially most anywhere. For
just insofar as Christians claim the privileges of faith without accept-
ing responsibility, for participating in Christ's sufferings in and for
the world, they have not added to patience godliness, and to godliness
love. Indeed, the "patience" which adds godliness is just exactly suf-
fering. It is suffering with Christ for the redemption of the world.
On the other hand, tragic, cheap and self-destroying, I think,
is the brash capitulation to the world : the espousal of profane Exis-
tenz; the frenzied world-affirmation that looks for salvation in the
denial of God and enjoins it ; that glories to embrace the "Antichrist"
as man's hopes, and warns oracularly that "Apart from free accep-
tance of the death of God, there lies no way to our profane present."
(T. J. J. Altizer, op. cit., p. 20).
To the pagan Socrates this would appear the abyss of human evil,
for it has lost all sense of aidos, shame. To resign one's self to atheism
is one thing, and, one may suppose, the ultimate sorrow open to our
humanity. To will atheism, on the other hand, to embrace the death
of God with rapture has, from the Greeks been regarded as "titanism"
verging upon lunacy. This let not even The Christian Advocate ask
me to take seriously as an issue for sober theological reflection. It
has gone beyond the pale of presuppositions and premises of which,
for my part, I can take respectful heed. It partakes of the ultimate
perversity that calls evil good and good evil. It is the radical "trans-
valuation of values" fathered by Nietzsche but without even the re-
serve of Nietzsche's irony or the misery of his divided mind.
Yet we must face the eclipse of God in our time. It is both the
absence of something positive and the presence of something negative.
It is a lassitude, a failure of nerve, a loss of confidence, a creeping
paralysis. It is the dispirited waiting for "Godot." Men look for God
but do not know where to look that they may find him. The Word
201
is not easily heard among us. It does not resound in our time. There
is only the strife of many words and the confusion of strident tongues.
Philosophy is busy with words about words or can only speak of
human "self-understanding" bracketed off from any transcendent
reference. Without such a reference there is no way to break up the
overwhelming plurality and incomprehensible continuum of our hu-
man existence and restore to it meaning and verve by the rediscovery
of a hierarchy of significance or a scale of commanding priorities. In
our world there is nothing prior but the incessant jangling of con-
flicting claims.
In short, human existence has flattened out into insignificance
for many, and it is hard to say whether it is flat because of God's
absence or God is absent because it is flat. Meanwhile, the frenzy to
enhance man's occupancy of space escalates as perhaps the remain-
ing distraction still open to us against the onset of pervasive societal
boredom. This is the world, I think, as it has "come of age," and,
to keep the figure, it may be a world in the advanced stages of senili-
ty. It could even be that western society even now is the Tower of
Babel "writ large." It is no wonder then that Professor Shideler
should conclude: "If God is dead it is because some lesser myth
has come to be adequate to sustain and to create a smaller (I would
say flatter) kind of human life than that which is declared and given
in the resurrection of Jesus Christ." (Op. cit., p. 199). Flat worlds,
we might say, must make do with flat myths !
VI
I do not know that the thread of these reflections is visible enough
to clarify to us the vocation of godliness or that it sharpens the claim
of that vocation to relevance and more respectful consideration by
a secular world. How it may appear to the secular world is not,
after all, the test that interests me today. The question is rather
more, what do I see and what may you perceive about this vocation
and the propriety and right of its claim upon us?
If it is true, and it apparently is, that we live in an age of an
"eclipse" of God, the Christian should be among the last, along with
his Jewish brethren, to be taken by surprise. Long ago, the Christian
was warned to "put on the whole armor of God that he might be able
to stand in the evil day," but Christians have not taken the true
measure of the enemy. Instead, they have been demythologizing
"the world rulers of this darkness and the spiritual hosts of wicked-
202
ness in heavenly places," which could be pre-eminently themselves.
Furthermore, not attaining to the "full grown man, unto the measure
of the stature of the fullness of Christ," they do not escape being
"tossed to and fro and carried about with every wind of doctrine"
(Eph., 4:13 ff.). So it is that we are all suffering from pseudo-
Christianity, our own and much of that lately pervading the churches,
although I think the tide is turning. But, contrary to Jesus' caution
to his disciples, we have been bred in a Christianity that did not
count the cost of building a tower and are dismayed that now all
who behold the unfinished structure begin to mock us." (Lk. 14:28).
In our confusion one way to cover is, of course, to join in the laughter
and affirm our profane Existens, concealing thereby our chagrin
under the "great lie" of the "coincidence of opposites," that is, let
us now affirm the sacred by exalting the profane!
The Christian answer and with it the Christian vocation of god-
liness is somewhat more subtle, infinitely more difficult and not
contradictio ad absurdum. It forcefully rejects otherworldly retreat.
It espouses the wisdom of God which is wiser than men. It takes
up the hard and repulsive vocation of participating in the sufferings
of Christ for the world — for man's liberation from bondage to the
fiat world of unrelieved insignificance in which nothing is false be-
cause everything is true and all things are permitted. It does this
because it is overpowered by the hint and sign of a transcendent
reference in the adorable majesty of the self-evidencing goodness
of Jesus Christ. He is made unto the Christian, in the foolishness
of God, wisdom — the inescapable ground of faith, hope and love. He
becomes the norm of human significance, who gives illumination and
structure to the flat-world from a fulcrum beyond the flat-world.
The Christian lives and serves under the vocation of Christ Jesus
as the only vocation that can affirm the world and restore the world
without succumbing to the flatness of the world. It is a vocation of
incomparable difficulty and irresoluble tension and is supportable
only insofar as the Christian is rooted deep in a wider reality of
which the flat world is a dependent derivative.
I know that, at what must be the end of this discourse, I have
introduced the real theological problem, the issue of transcendence
which has been "in the wings" all along. This is the vexing problem
of more than a century of theology, and there is much more honest
work to be done about it. But let us be clear, if the so-called profane
world exhausts the range of Being, then there is no vocation of god-
203
liness, as the apostles of profanity have flatly affirmed; and this
school has no further reason for being. If, on the contrary, existence
is but a segment of the total continuum of Being, then existence need
not be flat and empty, without limit. In due time indeed in God's
good time, it will reopen to the fullness of Being which is its source
and ground and fulfillment. With such an openness, godliness be-
comes again a vocation. But the decision is ours ; it is man's ; our age
is in the crisis of decision. I agree with Martin Buber: "He who re-
fuses to submit himself to the effective reality of the transcendence
as such — our vis-a-vis — contributes to the human responsibility
for the eclipse (of God) {Op. cit., p. 24).
For today, the vocation of godliness is, above all, openness to
transcendence. That includes prayer. It is also participation with
Christ in his sufferings for the world. The way of Openness and
participation is the secret of the godly life. It is to this life that this
Divinity School is irrevocably committed. Today openness and
participation are the pressing meanings of obedience, and it is upon
this obedience to God that depends a clearer apprehension of God —
by us in our day and by any men in any day.
Members of the entering class, I offer you a seasoned conviction :
the vocation of godliness today is still open to all of us. It is what
it always has been from Abraham until now: It is openness to trans-
cendence. It is also, since Christ, participation with him in his abso-
lute affirmation of the world — not the world in its flight from God,
but the world in the intent and purpose of God for it.
Anxiety, Courage and Truth
William H. Poteat
Professor of Qiristianity and Culture
Graham Greene, whose sensibility can discern intimations of
something sinister in even the quiet movement behind him of a
rabbit, in the dark, on the croquet lawn of an English public school,
tells in an autobiographical essay, "The Lost Childhood," of his loss
of innocence forever in the discovery one summer that he could read.
There then opened before him the whole universe of literature.
"All a long summer holiday I kept my secret, as I believed : I did
not want anybody to know that I could read. I suppose I half con-
sciously realized even then that this was the dangerous moment."
First there was Ryder Haggard's King Solomon's Mines and the
evil sorceress, Gagool : "Didn't she wait for me in dreams every
night in the passage by the linen cupboard, near the nursery door?
And she continues to wait, when the mind is sick or tired, though
now she is dressed in the theological garments of despair."
Later, it was Elizabeth Bowen's The Viper of Milan: "At the
end. . . della Scala is dead, Ferrara, Verona, Novara, Mantua have
all fallen, the messengers pour in with news of fresh victories, the
whole world outside is cracking up, and Visconti sits and jokes in
the wine light. ... (I learned) in Miss Bowen's novel the sense
of doom that lies over success — the feeling that the pendulum is about
to swing. That too made sense; one looked around and saw the
doomed everywhere — the champion runner who one day would sag
over the tape; the head of the school who would atone, poor devil,
during forty dreary undistinguished years ; the scholar. . . and when
success began to touch oneself too, however mildly, one could only
pray that failure would not be held off for too long."
This reminds one of a reality too hastily suppressed in the modern
climate of the mind, so much a creature of science, technology and
the optimism they breed : the radical connection between anxiety,
courage and the achievement of truth.
The modern age was ushered in by the Baconian motto : Knowl-
edge is power. It has been deeply underwritten in our whole sensi-
bility by even that most theoretical of men, Rene Descartes, the
205
so-called "father of modern philosophy" who wanted to start from
scratch by thinking out everything clearly while sitting in a stove!
For us knowledge tends to be associated with heroism and un-
qualified beatitude. Everywhere in our imagination there rises up
from its depths the belief that man is saved, not damned, by knowl-
edge and by standing in the truth.
On hundreds of American campuses there are buildings upon
which have been engraved, snatched wholly from their profounder
context, the words: "Ye shall know the truth and the truth shall
make you free." Upon seeing them, my natural rejoinder is : "The
Hell it does." In the context of compulsive modern optimism these
words lose all sense of paradox.
Our universities and the Great Society spend millions of man-
hours, billions of dollars in uncritical support of this belief.
Yet — it has not always been held, nor is it true.
A deeper human sensibility has known that truth is not only
won at a price, but painful when won ; that knowledge is always an
ambiguous good, concealing a threat; that catastrophe is associated
with the loss of innocence.
Recognition of this may be absent from our public myth, but in
our private struggle with ourselves and our world it's there. It's
always there, even when it has no name.
There are three great myths in our tradition in which the link
between catastrophe and the loss of innocence is embodied. The myth
of Oedipus, the myth of Adam and the myth of Faust.
In the very name of Oedipus, the whole story is compactly told.
Oedipus means "the swollen footed" — a name conferred upon the
son of Laius because of the permanent scars left on his ankles by the
leather straps by which his legs were bound together when he, an
infant, had been left upon a hill to die. There is a profound pun in
the name. Pus means foot and, taken with the riddle of the sphinx
(what is it that walks on four jeet in the morning, two feet at noon
and three feet at night), suggests that Oedipus' very herosim is
bound up with the image of the being who walks. But this is yet
another pun, for oida — swollen — suggests there is something basical-
ly "unnatural" in the creature who has the power to walk upright.
Even more, the verb oido, in one of its meanings, is defined as : to
be swollen with knowledge. And we know that Oedipus was swollen
with knowledge, not only possessed of the power of reason by which
206
he is enabled to answer the riddle of the sphinx, but proudly possessed
of it, swollen with it — again, "unnaturally" so.
It is by the power of reason that Oedipus is able to destroy the
Sphinx, that beast part bird, part lion and part woman, which sym-
bolized for the ancient world all the dark, irrational, nameless and
inhuman terrors that threaten man. This he does by answering the
riddle into which is compactly built a profoundly disturbing image
of the greatness ("what it is that walks?") and the ultimate tran-
siency (morning, noon and night) of human life. He answers: Man!
And at a stroke he exhibits the power of human reason to plumb
the secret of human life and finds that painful secret to be human
mortality. Swollen with proud knowledge, he assails the riddle and
discovers the tragic truth about existence. The loss of innocence
leaves him with the painful, perhaps the crushing truth : I have been
cast into existence and, one day, I shall be torn from it. What value
can this respite have in a close prison where my life is a continual
going out to the place of execution?
The Adam-myth, perhaps more familiar but not better under-
stood, exhibits, in ways appropriate to its own essence, the same
motif: catastrophe and the loss of innocence, truth and danger. Eat-
ing of the fruit of the tree of the knowledge of good and evil, Adam
becomes — as God? — not quite. But he becomes man — now at emnity
with the world, itself forever hostile to him. Cast out of Eden, naked
as no animal is, vulnerable, mortal.
The Faust legend is the typical modern myth. It expresses modern
man's peculiar desire for power, a desire for "guns, gold and girls"
to satisfy which no impiety is too great a risk to run. It expresses, too,
the secret connections between the animus of science and that of
black magic.
Karl Shapiro has seen the irony of the Faust myth symbolized
in the terror of an atomic age which made a pact with the prince
of darkness in return for the final secret of the physical world. He
writes :
"Backwardly tolerant, Faustus was expelled
From the Third Reich in nineteen thirty-nine.
His exit caused the breaching of the Rhine,
Except for which the frontier might have held.
Five years unknown to enemy and friend
He hid, appearing on the sixth to pose
In an American desert at War's end
Where, at his back, a dome of atoms rose."
207
By each of these we are reminded of what we easily forget:
anxiety and courage are very much involved in our apprehension
of the truth. Knowledge, because it is always associated with a loss
of innocence, is an equivocal good. Who is there who has never
thought so? Who has ever thought so with untroubled conscience in
face of our public modern myth?
I think certain historical confusions are in part to blame for this
uneasy simple-mindedness : The seventeenth century's identification
of truth with the science of physical nature ; the eighteenth century's
identification of mind with consciousness ; our contemporary identifi-
cation of truth with particular contingent truths discovered by what
is too uncritically thought to be a value-free, neutral "scientific"
method. It is clear, is it not, that if truth is understood in terms of
this model, thus construed, then it is difficult for us to concede that
anxiety and courage are in any way involved. Value-free reason
apprehending such truths is subject to no anxiety and hence stands
in no need of courage.
The Ancient and Medieval imagination saw truth to be, in the
last analysis, bound to sapientia, that is, to sapience, the endow-
ment in virtue of which is homo sapiens : the sole creature who grasps
his total situation in the world — at once great and wretched. Plato
explicitly argued that only the good man — it would not be unfaithful
here to say, the courageous man — can know the truth. This is why he
spoke of the radical coming into the truth as a metanoia, a turning
round of the soul, a "thinking reversely."
But we need not go so far for a qualification of our contemporary
public myth. So-called Depth-psychology has rehabilitated many of
these ancient insights for us. It shows us quite explicitly that mind
is not just consciousness, that we are neither transparent nor tract-
able to ourselves. Augustine's utterance could well be the motto of
Sigmund Freud : "Man is a great deep. It is not possible to number
the hairs of his head. Yet it is easier to number the hairs of his head
than the beatings of his heart."
From this — and it is no accident that Freud's dominating con-
cept is an elliptical story, the Oedipus complex — we learn that we
are not simply available to our own conscious management; that we
are in fact mysteries to ourselves. We learn too that there is painful,
threatening, anxiety-producing truth about ourselves and about our
human condition which we repress, concerning which we rationalize,
from which we are forever in flight. And finally, we learn that none
208
of us can face these without courage — indeed a courage which itself
appears to us unbidden from our own intractable depths.
Perhaps I will not mislead you if I explicitly resort to a psycho-
analytic analogy. There is a sense in which we may say that the
neurotic is the creator of a world of his own "imagination" to which
he then becomes subject — incarcerated as a prisoner. The job of the
therapist is, as an outsider, to invade that world and to enhance his
patient's wish to be free. The invasion is a kind of incarnation, for
the therapist enters the neurotic world from the outside and remains,
while in it, an outsider, lest he, like his patient, become the subject
of that world, powerless against it.
Now, expand the analogy. In one sense, each of us, like the neu-
rotic, is the prisoner of his own picture of what the world is Hke.
This is what is meant by idolatry — the imprisonment of ourselves
in any given picture of the world. It is God who invades this world,
threatening us ultimately, but also setting us free.
We, each of us have a stake in this picture. It is ours. We are
defensive before every invasion of it. We are threatened by every
claim that challenges it. Every new truth makes us anxious because
we have made an investment of our personhood in the old "truth."
If any of us ever succeeds in facing this challenge, it is because
courage has come to us.
We are simple idolaters — imprisoned in our imaginations — who
can be set at liberty only when that imagination is ravished by Reality
or by God.
Pagan man could not finally face three facts : the fact of existence,
the fact of freedom, the fact of death.
If it is not possible for you to adopt a positive attitude to these
three radical facts, then it is impossible for you to take persons seri-
ously— which is to say, impossible for you to take yourself seriously.
In The Concept of Dread, Kierkegaard characterizes inzvardness
as seriousness, which is for him the diametric opposite of despair.
To illustrate, he then quotes the lines written by Shakespeare for
Macbeth, when, having murdered the King he is in despair:
". . . from this instant
There's nothing serious in mortality:
All is but toys : renown and
grace is dead."
Pagan man could not face existence because it was, in its nature,
hybrid — the very act of existing was itself a disordering of a primal
209
order, to which all existing things would "make reparation for their
injustice according to the disposition of time."
Pagan man could not face freedom because it introduces, in his
view, an anticosmic contingency, disorder, chaos, a threat of non-
being, and hence guilt and terror. This is the meaning of the great
sigh of relief at the end of Sophocles' Oedipus the King :
"You that live in my ancestral Thebes,
Behold this Oedipus,
Him who knew the famous riddles and was a man most masterful ;
Not a citizen who did not look with envy on his lot —
See him now and see the breakers of misfortune swallow him !
Look upon that last day always.
Count no mortal happy till he has passed
The final limit of his life secure from pain."
Finally, pagan man could not take death seriously as an ultimate
and genuine threat to all meaning. Therefore meaning for him had
to reside finally in an immortal and hence impersonal order. If you
cannot take death seriously as a genuine threat, then neither can
you take our finite life with seriousness. Only when death is the last
and the greatest enemy can life be cherished as worth living. D. H.
Lawrence, as a novelist and pamphleteer, obsessed, perhaps, by our
culture's capacity to assimilate and thereby neutralize all criticism
of itself; to cerebralize and remove the sting of ultimate mystery,
has Mrs. Whitt, in St. Mawr, say: "Now listen to me. . . I want
death to be real to me. ... I want it to hurt me. ... If it hurts
me enough, I shall know I was alive." This puts my point very well —
and points up the neopaganism of our mind against which Lawrence
was here railing.
It was the very opposite of this attitude that one finds in the
Greek saying : "It is best never to have been born, next best to take
leave of this life."
Where existence, freedom and death cannot be positively ap-
propriated, persons can never matter.
The impact of the Judeo-Christian faith upon this pagan imagi-
nation produced Western culture.
In this faith there is no recoil from these painful truths about
the human condition. In Job we read :
"My days are swifter than a weaver's shuttle, and are spent without
hope. Oh remember that my life is a breath."
210
In this view, man is made out of the dust. His life is a tale that
is told.
At the same time, with seeming paradox, guilt is sin, sin is the
expression of man's freedom, and his freedom is a gift of God !
The Christian declares that Jesus Christ has overcome sin and
death. What, in the light of what I've said, can this mean?
It means that now we can accept existence as God's gift; sin
as the sign of our freedom ; and life as that which has been saved
from meaninglessness. Now, we are able to take persons seriously.
Given an ultimate courage to face the most painful truth about our-
selves, there is no longer any truth we need fear.
You are all familiar, I am sure, with St. Paul's words in his
Epistle to the Romans where he says: "For I am persuaded that
neither life nor death, nor things present nor things to come, nor
angels nor principalities nor powers, nor height nor depth, nor any-
thing else in the whole creation, can separate us from the love of
God which is in Christ Jesus."
Perhaps it has not occurred to you to remark the relevance of
these words to the life of the mind.
There was no such thing as a college or a university, in our sense,
in the culture which nurtured St. Paul. On the contrary, it was pre-
cisely the faith of St. Paul, expressed in these words, out of which
such institutions came : the faith, namely, that Jesus Christ had
overcome both sin and death; that He had deprived them of their
binding power upon the human imagination. This faith nurtured the
university in the Western world.
For this faith declares that the guilt that infects all existence
and all freedom has been removed — if not in fact, at least in hope.
The whole world of nature and of human culture is seen to be God's
creature. Henceforth we can seek to discover its mystery without
anxiety. The wound inflicted by our loss of innocence has been healed.
Human reason is now beyond tragedy, because "Christ is God's and
ye are Christ's ; therefore all things are yours."
This is the regenerate mind. No student wholly lacking it ; no
university unleavened by it can survive.
If wisdom be grasping our total situation in the world ; and if
dreadful existence, anxiety-producing freedom and meaning-threaten-
ing death are facts we have to meet on the way ; then only those
who have a faith which takes the dread out of existence, the anxiety
211
out of freedom, and the threat of meaninglessness out of death can
have the courage of the regenerate mind.
In the posture of this faith such a one will be able to say with
St. Paul : "I am persuaded that neither communism nor fascism ;
Freudianism nor Jungianism; Einsteinianism nor the theory of an
ever-expanding universe; neither historicism nor impressionism,
existentialism and logical positivism; the theory of deficit finance
nor the principle of complementarity can separate me from the love
of God in Christ Jesus."
Being delivered from anxiety, he then can explore, examine,
criticize or appropriate any of these, knowing that his ultimate securi-
ty is not bound to the transient career of these penultimate truths.
The world of nature and human culture are therefore his to un-
derstand and love with a regenerate mind.
Whenever he is armed with such ultimate courage, he is beyond
anxiety : the loss of innocence ceases to be an equivocal good.
*****
Does anyone have this faith? Is the higher learning still the
fiduciary of this legacy?
I confess I do not know. But I do believe the hour is already very
late.
So now we have the new theology, in paperbacks by the hundreds
of thousands, upon the racks along with Greek Tragedy, A House
is Not a Home and Candy.
"The death of God," this is the kind of total claim from which
I turn away in horror. It now seems too large a matter for my
sensibilities.
I am affronted by the total claim delivered in an apocalyptic tone,
especially when overnight it comes to be uttered by a thousand voices
and then becomes chic. And everyone becomes Jean-Baptiste Clam-
ence, judge-penitents, haranging each other with wild eyes in cof-
fee-houses, bars and student unions, filling the air with "the death
of God" and with "anguish" while silently all about them are stu-
dents and colleagues dying in a quiet, humble despair for want just
of hearing their own names called.
The great engine of higher learning is fully throttled up in the
Great Society. And the whole ghastly enterprise would be a farce
at which we could all laugh, if it were not in fact so dangerous.
It is not easy to know what the words of St. Paul mean ; perhaps
even more difficult to subscribe to them.
212
For myself, I must tell you that sometimes they resonate with
the deepest things that are in me ; at others they fall equivocally
upon a tin and complacent ear.
Yet — even for me, guilty over my too modest goals, it is possible
at least for me to pray :
"Give us this day our daily bread."
May it be at least as well with you.
The Dean's Discourse
CHARLES PHILLIPS BOWLES died suddenly August 30,
1966. With this lamented event, the Divinity School lost one of its
staunchest alumni supporters whose sustained concern and service to
the school and, as trustee to Duke University, over all the years since
his graduation with the B.D. degree in 1931 has been uncommon and
far beyond the line of duty. A powerful churchman, pastor, and
preacher. Dr. Bowles was an enlightened champion of progressive
causes in all domains. It was my privilege to have his ardent leader-
ship and suggestive guidance as Trustee Chairman of the Divinity
School Board of Visitors Committee, initiated and authorized by
the University Trustees in 1963. But, for years. Dr. Bowles has
given of himself, his energies, and his mind to urgent issues affecting
the destiny of Duke University. While pastor of the Centenary
Methodist Church, and before that, as District Superintendent of
the Charlotte District, and as pastor of the West Market Street
Methodist Church, Greensboro, N. C, Dr. Bowles was continually
imposed upon to give diligent attention to pressing developments
associated with Duke University. The Divinity School laments his
untimely death; the University will miss him; the Church shall
have lost a sturdy and courageous son whose reward must now be:
"Enter thou into the joy of thy Lord." Amen,
We have been greatly deprived in the resignations of Professor
Hugh Anderson and Associate Professor John Strugnell from the
faculty of the Divinity School. As already announced. Professor
Anderson accepted the chair of New Testament at New College,
University of Edinburg, Scotland, and assumed teaching duties
there this autumn. Dr. Strugnell accepted a position at Harvard
Divinity School, effective this current fall, as Associate Professor
of Christian Origins.
I am pleased to record in the Review an announcement already
made public during the summer months that Dr. W. D. Davies,
until recently Edward Robinson Professor of Biblical Theology,
Union Theological Seminary, New York City, has accepted appoint-
ment as George Washington Ivey Professor of Advanced Studies
and Research in Christian Origins on the faculty of Duke University
Divinity School. Among our alumni there will be many who studied
under Dr. Davies when he came first to the United States and taught
at the Divinity School during the years 1950-55. Subsequently, he
214
taught four years at Princeton as Professor of Graduate Studies
in New Testament, and since 1959 has pursued his teaching and
research at Union, New York.
Dr. Davies' volume Paul and Rabbinic Judaism, first published
in 1948, brought him immediate international attention as a scholar
and chartered the lines for his subsequent researches in the Jewish
background of early Christianity, which he has and will continue to
utilize for the illumination of key documents of the New Testament
corpus. His monumental work, The Setting of the Sermon on the
Mount, Cambridge, 1964, was reviewed with high approbation
by Professor Anderson some time past. Dr. Davies' recently published
semi-popular introduction to the New Testament, entitled Invitation
to the New Testament, Doubleday, N. Y., 1965, was a Religious
Book Club selection during the current year.
Professor Davies, in coming to the Divinity School faculty, sets
for himself a formidable program of research as well as of teaching.
To his extensive and continuing collaboration with Jewish scholars
in America and Israel he adds the distinction of being member of
the Executive Committee of the Jewish Congress for World Studies.
A member of numerous American and European societies for Biblical
Studies, his international scholarly stature is signified in his election
in 1964 as Burkitt Medalist of the British Academy.
We look forward with high expectancy to the contribution of
two younger scholars who join the faculty this fall. Dr. Gene M.
Tucker comes to us as Assistant Professor of Old Testament from
the Graduate School of Religion of the University of Southern
California. A Texan and a graduate of McMurray College, Dr.
Tucker received his B.D., M.A. and Ph.D. degrees from Yale. His
command of his field of study and instruction is already indicated by
the number and competency of scholarly articles to his credit.
Dr. Donald S. Williamson joins the faculty as Assistant Pro-
fessor of Pastoral Care to bring important and urgently needed
instructional support to our flourishing program in this constructive
discipline. A native of Ireland, schooled and educated for the Meth-
odist ministry in Belfast, Dr. Williamson completed doctoral studies
at Northwestern University and was a highly respected two-year
resident in the notable pastoral care program under the Menninger
Foundation, Topeka, Kansas.
Robert E. Cushman
FOCUS ON
FACULTY
D. MOODY SMITH, JR., Associate Professor of New Testament:
Since it is probably impossible for a person to write about himself
without being self-conscious, he may as well throw caution to the
winds and give as good an account of himself as possible. Perhaps
in the theological world this can best be done, not by speaking of
one's life as if it were a good or at least a neutral quality, but by
speaking of one's sin. Good precedent for this has already been estab-
lished by Augustine, if not by the Apostle Paul. Yet even in this
regard I can make no impressive claims, nor can I bring forth spec-
tacular revelations. Augustine's sinfulness was of a sort to arouse
most men's imaginations, and Paul in his zeal for Judaism had
persecuted the church of God. Have I done anything comparable?
Scarcely. Perhaps at best I have on occasion harbored a few lasciv-
ious thoughts or cursed my elders under my breath. But such ac-
complishments are commonplace, and not worthy of serious attention.
The most penetrating and disturbing assessment of my life
might be that I have retreated from the world to the church, from the
church to the clergy, and from the clergy to the groves of academe,
in each instance justifying the withdrawal with reasons plausible
to men. It is hardly a defense against this judgment, but nevertheless
true, that had I stopped anywhere along the way things might not
have been fundamentally changed. For at any point in this or any
other pilgrimage the basic question remains the same, namely,
whether one will serve God or Mammon. No vocational commit-
ment or institutional loyalty can, in and of itself, guarantee the right
choice in advance — certainly not theological teaching, where there
are real temptations to hubris or humility, along with the distinct
possibility of making one's self useless and superfluous. And this quite
apart from the fact the theological professor is in any case a marginal
person in this world.
Nevertheless, I am still convinced that the theological task is
potentially a very meaningful and significant one, and I have no great
illusions about my being able to serve God better "in the church"
or "in the world". For, as a matter of fact, the theological teacher
216
remains in the world and in the church, and has a place and a role
in both. This despite the fact that neither may want to acknowledge
his presence. His temptations and perils are matched by the possibil-
ity and opportunity of bearing witness to the reality and truth of the
church's faith within and without the temple courts. Admittedly,
when one has withdrawn into the intellectual bastion of the house-
hold of faith, the theological faculty, he confronts the startling seri-
ousness and difficulty of the issues which the modern world poses for
the church. If he is to maintain his intellectual integrity, he has to
recognize this state of affairs and work at coming to terms with it.
While his professional task may therefore be complex, things remain
somewhat simpler with respect to himself and his vocational under-
standing. He is still confronted with the decision of whether he will
believe the Gospel and live out of this faith, or whether he will try
to build himself some kind of empire. There are academic, as well as
political, ecclesiastical, and financial empires, and they vary in size
and shape. Some may be administrative, pedagogical or bibliograph-
ical, others personal. But there is one common factor. As ends in
themselves they represent practical abandonment of the Gospel in
favor of the world.
Such considerations as these constrain me from rejoicing exces-
sively over either my internal or external histories. The latter, for the
record, is unexceptional. I was born in Murfreesboro, Tennessee;
lived in various Southern towns before I was six ; attended public
schools in Spartanburg, South Carolina. After Davidson College, I
came to Duke for a B.D. and went on to Yale for doctoral study in
New Testament. Then followed five happy years on the faculty of the
Methodist Theological School in Ohio, one of which was spent on a
theological busman's holiday in Europe. Last fall I joined the faculty
of Duke Divinity School, an institution of great potential, not all
of it yet realized.
I had the good fortune to marry a wife who is little interested in
theology, but nevertheless has a keen eye for hokum in the church
and in me. We have four children. In a world like ours, joy over
even such things as these must realistically be tinged with uncer-
tainty, indeed with fear and trembling. Yet who can afford to be anx-
ious ? For in such anxiety lie the greatest temptations of all : to
excuse one's self from all decisive action and commitment because
of "responsibilities" ; to try to make one's own life secure when
worldly security is an impossible and therefore illusory goal ; to
forget who has overcome the world ; to forfeit the right of being more
than conquerors through Him.
at
LOOKS
BOOKS
The Heritage of Christion Thought: Essays in Honor of Robert Loivry Calhoun.
Edited by Robert E. Cushman and Egil Grislis. Harper and Row, 1965. 243
pp. $6.00.
Some teachers are known for their own accomplishment, others are known
for the students they produce. A very special few are known equally well for
both these qualities, and among this small band may be numbered Robert L.
Calhoun. For a long time, all students of theology have known of the work of
Robert Calhoun : his lectures in historical theology and the history of philosophy
at Yale represent impressive achievements ; the unpublished (but widely circu-
lated) notes from these lectures are a part of the modern "oral" tradition; his
few small books and articles have made their own contribution. Now, in this
collection of essays we have an opportunity to witness the influence of a great
teacher on distinguished students, and the results are impressive.
The influence of the teacher may been seen in the philosophical orientation
of the essays. While there are several exceptions to this generalization, one of
the most obvious characteristics of Calhoun's own interest in the history of
doctrine was its philosophical component, and this concern is reflected in the
contributions to this volume. Since each of the articles is discrete — and since
they range widely over the field of historical theology, which means that they
range widely indeed — we shall only look at several examples of the types of
articles which were contributed to this festchrift.
Of the strictly philosophical contributions, several are of special interest.
George A. Lindbeck's exploration of "The A Priori in St. Thomas' Theory of
Knowledge," brings together materials from an on-going discussion in Roman
Catholic scholarship and points to the way in which the rejection by Thomas
of a priori knowledge in one particular situation has been continued into
another philosophical era, transposed to a rejection of all a priori knowledge,
and thus to opposition to the philosophy of Immanuel Kant (perhaps the
encyclical Pascendi gregis is the most blatant example of this). But Lindbeck
also shows with historical thoroughness and philosophical sophistication that
there are possible ways of relating Thomas and Kant, and that upon this ad-
mittedly limited collusion rests a distinct hope for advancement in Roman
Catholic philosophical theology. Roger Hazelton explores "Pascal's Wager
Argument" and affirms his conviction that it remains a creative contribution
to the philosophical interpretation of theology. The views expressed are not
new, but as a survey and a suggestive discussion it has much merit. William
Christian's article in "Spinoza on Theology and Truth," reflects the author's
interest in the truth value of theological statements (which he has developed
in his Meaning and Truth in Religion), but it also provides a probing analysis
of Spinoza's argument in which Spinoza separates philosophical speculation
from the mandates of piety. The terribly complex and difficult-to-foUow ar-
gument of the Tractatus Theologico-Politicus is exhibited with clarity and
candidly assessed.
Of the more theologically orientated articles three were particularly interest-
ing to me. The essay by Robert E. Cushman in "The Christology of Paul Tillich"
only makes us aware, once again, of the need to hear his voice more often in the
current theological discussion. I would judge that this article represents one
218
of the most substantive criticisms of Tillich's position which has appeared
and that future Tillichian studies must take into account the investigations of
this article, especially Cushman's analysis of the relation of essence to existence,
the dominant character of Tillich's ontological monism, the subsumption of the
historical Jesus into receptive ecstasy on the part of the believer (s), and the
consequent co-ordinate relation of Christ and the church in the event of
revelation. Other interpretations of Tillich are possible, but no one can
support an alternative point of view without facing squarely the explications
found in this article.
Another of "our own," Egil Grislis, has contributed an article on "The
Role of Consensus in Richard Hooker's Method of Theological Inquiry." Egil
Grislis has already established himself as the most thorough and perceptive
interpreter of Hooker with whom I am acquainted. The carefulness of the
explication is impressive and the subtle play of the various influences which
went into Hooker's thought and the relation of the Anglican "Great Father" >
to his context are additional strengths of the discussion. I see Hooker with
fresh eyes after reading each of the articles Grislis has written and none of
his contributions to Hooker research has been more central in its focus than
this one. The article by Carl Michalson on "The Hermeneutics of Holiness in
Wesley," may be of interest to readers of this Reinezv. Not so much, however,
for its work on Wesley, per se, but as a way of seeing how a theologian who
is caught up in the work of the "new hermeneutic" understands the thought
of a significent forebear and how this new hermeneutic discussion may be
seen as operative even in a past figure.
Of the more directly historical articles, the one which I find especially
interesting is the lead article by Albert C. Outler, "The Sense of Tradition
in the Ante-Nicene Church." For those who are already familiar with Outler's
work, the distinctions about the meaning of tradition — as a deposit and a pro-
cess— will be familiar. But to see how some of these themes functioned in the
early Church Fathers is both intriguing and important. I feel the need for
delineations which are not provided by the patristic theology, but the rudiments
of continually significant theological work are made obvious by Outler.
This book was a pleasure to read, and not least of all because of the care
of the editors. Someone had checked and doublechecked the footnotes, the
order brought some purpose to the completely independent articles and the
dedication was tasteful and moving.
Thomas A. Langford
Worship: Its Theory and Practice. Thus I was led into an ecumenical
J. J. von AUmen. Oxford 1965. 317 dialogue such as many of us have
pp. $6.50. had, in which, beyond the accidents
I began reading this rather for- ^^ ^^^^"^ ^nd ethos we discover our
bidding tome by a Swiss theologian- '^^'T'"''" ^^^"ences m God and the
teacher reluctantly. But I am glad "^^^"^^^ f. ^^^ European Reformed
that I read it. For within the austere common lite.
style and drab European format I J ^^a 1 not attempt to glamorize
discovered that rarity in America- ^his book; the chapter headmgs will
a theologian who is also a liturgist suggest its solid quality. The first
and a pastor, who reminded me of half, "Problems of Principle," treats:
the Biblical and theological bases of Christian Worship as the recapitula-
worship, and revealed the richness of tion of the history of salvation; as
"the variegated grace of God" in the the epiphany (the manifesting forth)
uses of the Catholic Church, Re- of the Church; the cult (corporate
formed. worship) as the end and future of
219
the world ; and the approach to liturgi-
cal forms.
Here are the Biblical bases of our
common worship — The Father's in-
vitation and our participation as "our
bounden duty and service" in Christ's
obedient and perfect self-offering,
which he "liturgized" in the Last Sup-
per and commanded his Church to
continue "till he come."
Of course, the primary form or
mode of such Koinonia is the Koinon-
ia, the Lord's Supper, the Eucharist.
And any renewal of our common life
in Christ must begin with recovery
of the Eucharistic and communal full-
ness of our offered worship. For it
is through our offered liturgy that
the Spirit of Christ is pleased and
enabled to act in his gathered Church.
And impoverished worship limits His
gracious ministeries.
In part two, "Problems of Celebra-
tion," we are reminded of : the Com-
ponents of the cult (Word, Lord's
Supper, and the prayers) ; the parti-
cipants (God, the faithful, the angels,
and the world and its sighs) ; the
time of the cult (Sunday and through-
out the liturgical year) ; the place
of worship (as a locale for and as
a witness to the presence of Christ) ;
the order of worship (its "shape", the
historic ante-Communion-Communion
actions, and its qualities simplicity
and corporate reality and joy).
These central motifs suggest a brac-
ing and biblical objectivity, uncon-
genial to us, yet needed by all of us
who, lacking such norms, consult our
personal preferences and feeling-
tones.
More difficult to communicate here
are the pastoral wisdom and liturgi-
cal sensitivity of the Jewish-Christian-
community, now coming to our atten-
tion— to our surprise — in both Roman
Catholic and Reformed liturgical lit-
erature. But had we "informalists"
thought of the gracious salutations,
invitations and Sursum Cordas in the
services, not as "formality," but as
"brotherly encouragement as we to-
gether draw near the throne of
grace." (p. 173) ?
And should we Methodists think
prayerfully about compatible social
and spiritual "styles" of our worship,
lest "we insult and limit the grace
which has quickened and strengthened
the Church ... by continuing to
worship in an artificial and spurious
poverty, instead of rejoicing more
appropriately in our blessings in
Christ" (p. 177) ?
And let us, often accused of senti-
mentality and carelessness in per-
mitting children to commune before
they "have joined the church," at
once take heart, clarify our theological
reasons, and correct our terminology,
as we ponder this line of thought:
that God claims and welcomes chil-
dren ; they are members of the family
of God, and should not be "excom-
municated" pending their becoming
"full and responsible members" by
confirmation ; and "we must insist up-
on their right to communicate the
more because children are unable to
claim for themselves the right that
is theirs" (p. 187).
(If you are moved by this too-
hasty summary to either agreement
or argument, attend the January
seminars on Baptism and Confirma-
tion, sponsored jointly by the North
Carolina Conference Commission on
Worship and the Board of Evange-
lism, when the richness of our Meth-
odist heritage will be explored, as
we recover our churchly vocabulary,
and study "confirmation into full and
responsible membership in the Church
of Christ and the Methodist Church.")
Thus this representative of another
tradition says to us : Christ is Lord
of the Church ; we are his grateful
and obedient people ; let us therefore
participate without fail and as our
central "work" in Divine Worship
and Holy Communion. For through
our offered praise, prayer and preach-
ing and in shared bread and cup
we commune with Him, are fulfilled
in Him, and are enabled to participate
in our full humanity in His life and
work in His world.
This volume will interest a small
minority, but the essentials of Church
220
renewal it expounds are adapted to
our needs and available to us in our
revised Hymnal and Book of IVorship.
"Let us use the grace Divine" by
adopting the revised Services therein
and leading our people back into that
Eucharistic gratitude, reality and joy
u^hich is our birthright no less than
that of Dr. von Allmen.
— John J. Rudin, II
Christianity in World History: the
Meeting of the Faiths of East and
West. Arend Theodoor van Leeu-
wen. (Translated by H. H. Hos-
kins.) Charles Scribners' Sons.
1966. 487 pp. $8.50.
In the Foreword Hendrik Kraemer
hails this book as an "event," and
the very breadth and sweep of the
author's approach and the volume of
subject matter merit this unusual
claim. It is Christian apologetics,
church history, missionary critique
and comparative religions all woven
into an analysis of the history of the
Church and its role in the modern
world.
The reader should be warned at the
outset that he is encountering a Cal-
vinist view of God, man, Christianity
and history. In this connection it
might be remarked that a firm Cal-
vinist faith can offset a great deal
of anxiety about the human condition
as well as much enervating concern
about what God intends for the hu-
man race. Also one should not be put
off by an outdated emphasis upon the
peculiar nature of the Hebrew lan-
guage as evidence for the spiritual
truth which it conveys — e.g., "In fact
Hebrew thought cannot possibly en-
visage a dimension of eternity which
would be timeless" (p. 49), or ap-
parently scholarly statements on the
meaning of Hebrew words clinched
with references to Karl Barth. At
the same time, van Leeuwen evinces
a thorough knowledge of cultural
history and makes creative use of
this knowledge to work out a phi-
losophy of history which is fresh and
challenging.
He divides all civilizations into two
categories, the ontocratic cultures of
the nations as opposed to the theo-
cratic culture of ancient Israel. Just
as the Tower of Babel illustrates
man's continuing hybris in attempting
to "be as the gods," so biblical re-
ligion refuses to compromise with any
other civilization, be it Egyptian,
Babylonian, Canaanite, Persian,
Greek or other great ontocratic
civilizations of India and China. The
Bible alone is historical, all other
religious traditions are mythological
and cyclical, repeating the endless
story of rebirth, growth, decay and
rebirth. Van Leeuwen makes the
startling claim that whereas non-
biblical religions are concerned with
mythological cosmogonies, "Genuine
myth indeed has never been con-
cerned with the theme of creation"
(p. 62). Thus there is no myth in the
Bible : the Genesis account is about
creation, and therefore not mytholog-
ical !
If I understand his central thesis
the author is pointing to the insight
that an ontocratic civilization (one
which is monistic in its cosmology
and is caught up in cyclical repeti-
tions) finds this world of time and
space to be monotonous and essential-
ly meaningless, wherein the goal of
life is to escape from the ceaseless
rounds of existence. In contrast, the
biblical revelation involves just that —
the breaking into this monotonous
cycle by the creator God whose rev-
elation through Israel and the Christ
gives both meaning and a goal to
this world of time and space, i.e.,
existence becomes historical. This, of
course, is not news, but in addition
van Leeuwen is of the opinion that
a new kind of man has appeared
which he calls the "fourth man." He
here is following an anthropologist, I
Alfred Weber, for whom the first
man preceded homo sapiens, the sec- •
ond man was neolithic, while the !
present dominant third man goes back '
to the Indo-European Aryan pastoral
peoples who built cultures beyond ,
that of agricultural man. The emerg-
221
ing fourth man is technological man,
Western man, the man of the future.
But, interestingly enough, this new
man is not trapped in meaningless
cycles ; instead he builds and plans
for the future — he is secular man,
communist man, scientific man, for
whom Christian eschatology has
opened up the future. "Are not all
the 'non-religious' elements of West-
ern civilization — modern technology,
science, democracy, capitalism, social-
ism, nationalism — which have thrust
their way into non-Western countries
and been welcomed there, among the
fruits of that very civilization which
was formed and driven forward by
the dynamic spirit of Christianity?"
(p. 16)
Although van Leeuwen thinks that
this fourth man is totally a product
of Christian, Western civilization (he
never quite faces the question as to
why only Western Christianity has
produced technology except to weld
it to the Greek tradition), he also
holds that "technological progress
has always borne the mark of Cain,"
as witness the atomic bomb. At the
same time and paradoxically he points
to "the inescapable reality of the fact
that the Lord goes on working in
history. The Gospel is preached from
Jerusalem to the ends of the earth ;
world history is en route from Stone
Age to Atomic Era ; in and through
that history Christianity moves on."
This leads him to assert that "one
of the most urgent lines of Christian
service is to make ready, materially
and spiritually, for the arrival of mod-
ern civilization" (p. 424). Thus it
is important to see "that Christian
Church has a sound theology of se-
cularization," and he adds that "what
we now most desperately need is a
clear theology of 'materialism', a
theology of wealth." Clearly, what-
ever becomes of the Church, Chris-
tianity will go marching on.
What can we say to all this? Since
biblical support is claimed for this
thesis what response can one make
on a biblical basis? Van Leeuwen's
historical criticism leaves much to
be desired. Thus he assigns Genesis
1 to the Elohist rather than to the
Priestly source. In the New Testa-
ment the Book of Acts is utilized as
a primary source for Paul's thought
and the author's theme that Chris-
tianity must be spread to the ends
of the earth is predicated on Acts.
The use of the symbolism of the
Tower of Babel is fuzzy and incon-
sistent since he uses the symbol as
one of idolatry, yet also as indicative
of the creativity of the "fourth man"
who will, willy nilly, carry Chris-
tianity with him as he constructs
a technological Tower of Babel. Why
not rather contrast to the Tower of
Babel the New Jerusalem of John
of Patmos, coming down out of
heaven as God's victory over man's
chaos and warfare?
Because of the inherent optimism
of this book one could wish that
there were more grappling with the
ambiguities of history, with the prob-
lem of theodicy, with the condemna-
tion by both Amos and Jesus of the
ways of man and this world. Would
that in his fine discussion of the
glories of the classical age of Greece
he could have mentioned that it was
based on a slave economy ; that he
had not assumed that to quote the
Gospel of John were sufficient to
indicate self-authenticating truth ; or
that an almost mechanical conception
of the necessity of the Gospel spread-
ing to the ends of creation were not
so basic to his thesis. In addition
one must fault the analysis for almost
ignoring the dualism of much Indian
thought, and for the narrow, out-
of-date description of Confucius as
advocating the supremacy of a heredi-
tary nobility, especially since it is
possible that proper treatment of
those subjects might have been an
embarrassment to his overall thesis.
At the same time there are several
admirable sections on the role of
Islam in world history, especially
vis-a-vis Judaism and Christianity,
and there is a fascinating description
of Communism as "the Islam of the
technocratic era."
222
We are very much in the author's
debt for a thorough and serious study
which should serve as the basis for
continuing creative discussions of the
role of Christianity in world afifairs.
His emphasis upon religionless Chris-
tianity should help to guide some of
the current "death of God" and "post-
Christian era" argumentation into
more fruitful channels. We are con-
fronted with a formidable challenge
to many of our unexamined premises
about the nature and significance of
Christianity in world history. We
also are helped in the reading of a
demanding book by H. H. Hoskins's
excellent translation, as well as by
two helpful indexes.
— David G. Bradley
Department of Religion
Theological Ethics. James Sellers.
Macmillan, 1966. 210 pp. $5.95.
This is one of the few books I've
read through (footnotes tool) at one
sitting; and, although I need not sug-
gest that posture or schedule, I do
commend this volume to readers of
this Review.
It is, as its title indicates, a book
about ethics — but not the convention-
al effort to reinterpret (or resur-
rect!) an archaic approach to modern
problems. It is, instead, a fresh,
stimulating, sometimes provocative,
often suggestive attempt to provide
a systematic frame for ethics which
takes account of a distinctively Ameri-
can and twentieth-century theological
stance. In the process, James Sellers
debunks (perhaps entirely uninten-
tionally) a number of popularly-held,
and sometimes firmly-entrenched,
myths ; among them that Christian
ethics is mainly a how-to-do-it-prac-
ticum, that laymen are lousy theo-
logians, and that Deans are professors
gone to seed !
There is not space enough here
for an extended review of this book ;
and yet, among a number of notable
features, the treatments of faith,
sanctification, and eschatology de-
serves a word of special mention.
however brief. All three of these —
but especially the latter two — have
been either neglected or ignored in
large measure by most modern moral-
ists. They are discussed in this book
with both insight and feeling ; and
their recovery both enriches the dis-
cipline and corrects some of its formu-
lations. The author's suggested
"stance" of "promise and fulfillment"
is less successful, I think ; and he,
like many others of us, simply begs
the question of natural evil. But
these are relatively minor matters,
and the book deserves serious atten-
tion by those of us concerned to re-
late theology to action, and vice ver-
sa.
When I reviewed Dean Sellers'
The South and Christian Ethics, I
ventured to observe that it failed to
deal adequately with either the South
or Christian ethics. I want to say
that Theological Ethics is what its
title advertises, and that thoughtful
pastors and churchman owe it to
themselves (and perhaps a wider
audience!) to read it.
— Harmon L. Smith
The Layvian in Christian History.
Stephen Charles Neill and Hans-
Ruedi Weber, editors. Westminster.
1963. 384 pp. $7.50.
" 'Never before in church history,
since its initial period, has the role
and responsibility of the laity in
Church and world been a matter of
so basic, systematic, comprehensive
and intensive discussion in the total
oikoiimene as today.' This discussion
'is a totally new phenomenon', it 'im-
plies a new examination and general
reshaping of all ecclesiologies which
we have had for centuries' and it
'is the most important aspect of the
longing for the renewal of the Church
which arises in the Churches all over
the world'" (p. Z77). Thus editor
Weljer, former missionary, Executive
Secretary of the Department of the
Laity, World Council of Churches,
and now Associate Director of the
Ecumenical Institute, Bossey — quot-
223
ing verteran theologian of the laity
Hendrik Kraemer. It may surprise
the reader, as this reviewer, to read
Neill's statement that this may be
"the first general survey ever made
of the life and witness of the lay
membership of the Church of Christ"
(p. 11). This is a long overdue
notice of an important book much
needed to correct our preoccupation
with the clergy as Church, and to
provide background for the current
rethinking of the role of the laity.
The composite character of the
book virtually defies (and has so
long delayed) a brief and significant
review. Perhaps a bit of name-
dropping will suffice. Stephen C. Neill
surely is well known to our readers,
as Angelican missionary bishop,
ecumenical theologian, lately Profes-
sor of Missions at the University of
Hamburg. As an editor, he contributes
a substantial introduction as well as
a later chapter on the laity in Britain,
1600-1780. Weber is authority on "The
Younger Churches" and "The Re-
discovery of the Laity in the Ecumeni-
cal Movement." Other familiar names
include George Hunston Williams of
Harvard, E. Gordon Rupp of Man-
chester, Martin Schmidt of Mainz
(a Lutheran authority on Wesley),
Franklin H. Littell (on "The Radi-
cal Reformation"), and Howard
Grimes (on the laity in this country).
Others offer informative treatments
of "The Orthodox World," "The
Roman Catholic Church," and "The
Laity in the Latin American Evan-
gelical Churches, 1806-1961." These
and other chapters vary in format,
focus, categories, mode of treatment,
and quality of contribution, but a
more coherent and uniform develop-
ment by a single author might not
afiford so rich a content. It is sober-
ing to realize how little we have
known about most of the People of
God!
— McMuRRY S. RiCHEY
The Social Gospel in America, 1870-
1920: Gladden, Ely, Rauschenbusch.
(A Library of Protestant Thought).
Edited by Robert T. Handy. Ox-
ford University Press, 1966. 399 pp.
$7.00.
One cannot get at the heart of the
social-gospel movement in America
without an acquaintance with the con-
tributions made to it by Washington
Gladden (1836-1918), Richard T.
Ely (1854-1943), and Walter Raus-
chenbusch (1861-1918) ; and the editor
of this magnificant volume has sup-
plied the most appropriate source
readings for this purpose. In addition
to an over-all introduction to the
period as a whole, there are three
biographical essays as well as brief
introductions to the several docu-
ments. While all three of the bio-
graphical essays are good, the one
on Ely is, I venture to say, unexcelled
by any other short introduction to
that author's social thought.
Professor Handy has wisely re-
produced, as a rule, the less well
known writings of his subjects,
especially where the major books are
still in print or else generally available.
But he has not followed this principle
at a sacrifice of the dominant social
views of these men ; for indeed many
of the pieces here reprinted give the
gist of their thinking more clearly
than is the case in their better known
books.
Although three authors are repre-
sented, the book reveals a remarkable
unity from the standpoint of social
principles and theological premises.
All three, for one thing, concentrated
upon questions, such as capital and
labor, which were raised mainly by
the industrial revolution ; and their
proposed solutions were much alike.
All three, again, fell close together
in their belief that doctrinaire social-
ism was not an adequate answer to
the economic predicament arising out
of rigid laissez faire economics. They
saw more hope in a mixed economy,
in which as much as possible would
be left to private enterprise and only
certain naturally monopolistic enter-
prises would be collectively owned.
An economic democracy was their
224
ideal. On the negative side, they also
had much in common in that none
of them gave much attention to the
tragic social and economic plight of
the post-bellum Negro. Once again,
in so far as they were at all theo-
logically concerned, they were most
at home in Protestant liberalism.
Finally, all three were avowedly
evangelical churchmen, with a firm
conviction that the gospel of Christ
was the final hope for individual and
social salvation.
Professor Handy is at his best in
exploring the social aspects of Ameri-
can religion, a fact which leads the
reviewer to hope that he will eventu-
ally give a full-length treatment of
the subject, beginning at least as
early as the middle of the eighteenth
century. University and seminary
teachers are greatly in need of such
a book, and Professor Handy is ex-
ceptionally well qualified to produce
it.
— H. Shelton Smith
A Defense of Theological Ethics. G.
F. Woods. Cambrige. 1966. 136 pp.
$3.95.
Probably because in recent years
ethicists have generally been preoc-
cupied with the broad interests of
"social" ethics, there is beginning to
appear (by way of compensation?)
a number of books devoted to "theo-
logical" ethics. This small volume of
six chapters, The Hulsean Lectures
at Cambridge for 1964, was written
by the Professor of Divinity at the
University of London.
The burden of this book is to
show that those who accept moral
standards and take seriously respon-
sible conduct will find a more reason-
able and adequate ground in Christian
theism than in secular humanism.
This in itself is unquestionably a
laudable aim, and especially so in a
time when heteronomy in ethics is
being encouraged in both professional
and poplar literature.
The immediate threat to which
Professor Woods addresses himself is
from the quarter of secular humanism,
a philosophy which he believes has
a high sense of moral responsibility
but no commitment to God or per-
sonal immortality. He therefore de-
votes his energies to showing the
unreasonableness, and hence inade-
quacy, of such a view and (sub-
ordinately) the rational necessity for
an alternative in Christian theism.
This effort, one thinks, does not
really fulfill the book's stated aim
partly because theism and personal
immortality alone are not the urgent
questions for the secular humanist,
but more specifically because the
omission of any serious or systematic
attention to the doctrine of Incarna-
tion leaves Professor Woods to answer
the deficiencies of a philosophy with
concepts limited by those same de-
ficiencies. We surely need an apologia
to the secular humanist, but this is
a viable possibility only if the cate-
gory of Incarnation is introduced and
gives thereby to this serious moral
philosophy what it otherwise lacks,
namely, a purposiveness capable of
transcending the limitations of tem-
poral immediacy. A Defense of Theo-
logical Ethics is a step in the right
direction, but still some distance from
its stated destination.
— Harmon L. Smith